• Fidel Castro;

                                                                                                                    • Anti-Castro Cubans;

                                                                                                                             • The "Mafia";

                                                              • Rogue CIA operatives and anti-Castro Cubans in collaboration with elements of "the Mafia";

                                                                                                            • J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI;

                                                                                                                 • Lyndon Baines Johnson;

                                                                                                            • Former Nazi intelligence officers;

                                                                                                                 •†The Texas Oil Barons; and

                                                                                                               • The Military-Industrial Complex.

Ten years ago, in 1992, a new suspect was added to the list. Former Rep. Paul Findley (R-Ill.) made the little-noticed but intriguing comment in the March 1992 issue of The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs that "it is interesting but not surprising to note that in all the words written about the assassination of John F. Kennedy, Israel’s intelligence agency, the Mossad, has never been mentioned, despite the obvious fact Mossad complicity is as plausible as any of the other theories."

What Findley did not know was at that very time I was in the process of preparing a volume contending that the Mossad role alongside the CIA in the JFK assassination, was, in fact, the big secret—the "missing link"—that explained the entirety of the JFK conspiracy.

The Mossad role is what I have also called "the secret picture on the other side of the jigsaw puzzle" of the JFK assassination conspiracy. My book summarizing this theory is entitled Final Judgment.

What I find quite remarkable is that while many Israelis today believe that Israeli intelligence played a part in the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, many of Israel’s friends in America have reacted quite hysterically to my contention that the Mossad played a role in the assassination of America’s president.

In addition, although there are many who believe that the CIA had a hand in the JFK assassination, quite a few of those same people are fearful of mentioning the likelihood of a Mossad role. Yet, as journalist Andrew Cockburn has pointed out:

"There has been since almost the earliest days of the Israeli state and the earliest days of the CIA a secret bond, basically by which Israeli intelligence did jobs for the CIA and for the rest of American intelligence. You can’t understand what’s been going on with American covert operations and the Israeli covert operations until you understand this secret arrangement."

 

Cockburn’s words are a rough overview of the thesis that I have presented in Final Judgment.

Although Final Judgment has never been in any major bookstore since it was first published nearly a decade ago, some 30,000 copies are in circulation—more copies than more widely-publicized books on the topic. It is truly an "underground best-seller." It is now in its 760-page fifth edition, documented with 1,114 footnotes. And on November 9, Dar El Ilm Lilmalayin, the oldest and largest privately-owned publishing house in the Middle East released the first-ever Arabic-language edition.

In many respects, Final Judgment is more than a book about the JFK assassination. It also reveals the hidden global power politics of the last half of the 20th century.

Final Judgment documents that in 1963 JFK was embroiled in a bitter secret conflict with Israeli leader David Ben-Gurion over Israel’s drive to build the atomic bomb; that Ben-Gurion resigned in disgust, saying that because of JFK’s policies, Israel’s "existence [was] in danger." Then upon JFK’s assassination, U.S. policy toward Israel began an immediate 180-degree turnaround.

Israeli historian Avner Cohen’s new book, Israel and the Bomb, confirms the conflict between JFK and Israel so powerfully that, Israel’s Ha’aretz, declared Cohen’s revelations would "necessitate the rewriting of Israel’s entire history."

In any case, Cohen pointed out, "the transition from Kennedy to [Lyndon] Johnson . . . benefited the Israeli nuclear program."

Ethan Bronner, in the New York Times, called Israel’s drive to build a nuclear bomb "a fiercely hidden subject."

This explains why JFK researchers never considered an Israeli connection until Final Judgment supplied the missing pieces, assembling "the secret picture on the other side of the jigsaw puzzle."

While all of this presents a strong motive for Israel to strike against JFK, Final Judgment also documents what Israeli journalist Barry Chamish says is "a pretty cogent case" for Mossad collaboration with the CIA in the assassination conspiracy.

The fact is that when New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison prosecuted trade executive Clay Shaw with conspiracy in the assassination, Garrison had stumbled upon the Mossad link.

Although (after his acquittal) Shaw was revealed to have been a CIA asset, in 1963 Shaw served on the board of a Rome-based company, Permindex, which was actually a front for a Mossad-sponsored arms procurement operation.

A primary shareholder in Permindex, the Banque De Credit Internationale of Geneva, was not only the fiefdom of Tibor Rosenbaum, a high-level Mossad official, but also the chief money laundry for Meyer Lansky, "chairman" of the crime syndicate and long-time Israeli loyalist.

Chief executive of Permindex was Louis Bloomfield of Montreal, a top figure in the Israeli lobby and an operative of the Bronfman family, intimate Lansky associates and leading patrons of Israel.

Permindex was clearly the Israeli link to the JFK assassination, so much so that Jim Garrison himself later circulated the manuscript for a never-published novel in which he fingered the Mossad as prime mover behind the conspiracy although Garrison never otherwise mentioned a Mossad connection publicly.

You may ask why Hollywood’s so-called "radical film-maker" Oliver Stone, whose film JFK was a virtual tribute to Garrison never mentioned any of this.

I would contend that Stone failed to mention these details in JFK because the film was financed by Arnon Milchan, an Israeli arms dealer linked to smuggling of materiel to Israel’s nuclear program—the very point of contention between JFK and Israel.

Milchan’s role in the production of JFK is no secret, by the way. He is listed in the credits as "executive producer," which, in Hollywood parlance, means that he was the "money man," so to speak, behind the film.

The Permindex link investigated by Mr. Garrison in New Orleans also explains the "French connection" to the assassination featured in the widely-seen documentary The Men Who Killed Kennedy, but which failed to tell the entire story told in Final Judgment. For example:

That the aforementioned Permindex operation (involving Clay Shaw and other CIA assets often publicly connected to the JFK assassination) was also involved in assassination attempts against French President Charles DeGaulle by the French "Secret Army Organization" (the OAS) which itself had close ties to the Mossad.

Like the OAS, the Israelis hated DeGaulle not only because he gave independence to Algeria, a major new Arab state, but also because DeGaulle, who had assisted Israel’s nuclear development program, had withdrawn support, objecting (as did JFK) to Israel’s drive for an atomic arsenal.

In the course of my writing of the book, a former French intelligence officer—Pierre Neuville, the son of the former French consul general in Jerusalem—revealed to me that he had learned that the Mossad contracted out one of JFK’s assassins—probably a Corsican hitman—through a French intelligence official disloyal to DeGaulle and who hated JFK for supporting Algerian independence.

JFK was also planning a strike against Red China’s nuclear bomb program—a plan scuttled by Lyndon Johnson within a month of JFK’s assassination.

During this same period, in fact, Israel and Red China were involved in joint secret nuclear bomb research with a key player in the Permindex web, Shaul Eisenberg, serving as the Mossad’s liaison with China.

Final Judgment was first to point out that James Angleton, the CIA liaison to the Mossad, was a devoted partisan of Israel who not only orchestrated the scenario linking accused assassin Lee Oswald to the Soviet KGB but who later circulated disinformation to confuse investigations into the assassination.

This is a brief overview of some of the more salient points made in Final Judgment—points that have otherwise been largely ignored in the massive amount of material that has been published on the topic of the assassination.

The response to my thesis has been predictable. Israeli diplomat Uri Palti, based at the Israeli consulate in Los Angeles, has described my thesis as "nonsense."

Pro-Zionist columnist George F. Will, in a column in Newsweek on Sept. 1, 1997, has referred to the thesis as being "vicious intellectual licentiousness."

The Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith (the ADL) one of the foremost elements of the Israeli lobby, has repeatedly attacked me in a most malicious fashion. Most notably, the ADL called me a "Holocaust denier"—although my book mentions nothing about the Holocaust—this so as to distract attention from the very powerful thesis that my book does present.

However, one article about the controversy surrounding my thesis and one educator who has endorsed it, appearing in the Los Angeles Times on November 25, 1996 made the assertion that the thesis was "novel indeed" and that it managed "to weave together some of the key threads in a tapestry that many say is unique."

However, as we all know too well, the reason why the theory presented in Final Judgment is "controversial" is simply because it dares to say something less than flattering about a foreign nation—Israel.

The truth is that the single tie that binds all of the most commonly-believed theories about the JFK assassination is the little-known Mossad connection.

Israel, however, is the central player whose role has been consistently ignored.

The first big question is whether Israel’s Mossad would actually consider assassinating an American president perceived hostile to Israel?

According to ex-Mossad man Victor Ostrovsky, the Israeli spy agency hatched a plan to kill President George Bush in 1991.

There is also evidence that the Jewish underground in Palestine in 1947 sent poisoned letters to President Harry Truman because he was dragging his feet as far as supporting the drive for a Jewish state was concerned. This information comes from Truman’s daughter, Margaret Truman, writing in a biography of her father.

The point is this: if Israel did indeed consider assassinating Bush in 1991 and Truman in 1947, why should we not also consider the possibility that the Mossad was indeed involved in a plot against John F. Kennedy in 1963?

And in this context it should now be noted that researchers in the JFK controversy have repeatedly pointed out the false leads that continue to appear.

Most believe that Lee Harvey Oswald, the alleged assassin, was indeed what he claimed to be—the patsy—and that false clues had been laid by the real conspirators to make it appear as though Oswald was an agent of Fidel Castro or the Soviets or both.

A key chapter in Final Judgment points out that Israel has what I call "a bad habit"—that is, the use of what are known as "false flags" in pointing the finger of guilt elsewhere in the course of committing assassinations and acts of terrorism.

That chapter is a virtual catalogue of this little-known phenomenon, which is perhaps best exemplifed by Israel’s notorious Lavon Affair of the 1950s in which Israel staged bombings on American and British installations in Egypt for the purpose of blaming them on Islamic fundamentalist groups and destabilizing the regime of President Nasser.

Although the American media today promotes the idea that somehow John F. Kennedy was a dedicated friend of Israel, nothing could be further from the truth.

There was a long history of bitter enmity between John F. Kennedy and his powerful father, Ambassador Joseph P. Kennedy and organized crime boss Meyer Lansky, stemming in part from the senior Kennedy’s deals with the underworld. This, however, did not stop the Kennedy family from cutting deals with the crime syndicate when it came to winning elections.

The Kennedy family’s own suspected anti-Semitism didn’t do anything to improve JFK’s relations with Israel and its American lobby either. As a U.S. Senator, Kennedy’s intervention in the issue of Algerian independence from France also drew sharp criticism from the Israeli lobby as well.

Yet, when John F. Kennedy sought the presidency, he was willing to cut deals with the Israeli lobby—for a price.

By the end of his presidency, however, Kennedy had reneged on his deals, not only with Israel’s Godfather, Meyer Lansky, and his henchmen in organized crime, but also with the Israeli lobby.

What about the so-called "Mafia" or organized crime connections to the assassination? In fact, those connections also point toward the Mossad.

If it had not been for international crime boss Meyer Lansky there might not be a state of Israel today. This is something that Israel would rather be forgotten.

The evidence firmly indicates that Israel was established as a state, in major part, through the political, financial and moral support of Meyer Lansky and his associates and henchmen in Organized Crime. Lansky’s interests and Israel’s interests were almost incestuous.

As I’ve already noted, Lansky’s chief European money laundering bank was an operation directed by one of Israel’s founding fathers, Tibor Rosenbaum, a high-ranking, longtime Mossad officer.

Lansky’s intimate (and quite secret) ties with American intelligence (including both the CIA and the FBI) made the Russian-born Jewish mobster the "untouchable" leader of the global organized crime syndicate.

Meyer Lansky’s Louisiana front man, Carlos Marcello, has become a favorite target for JFK assassination researchers who like to claim that "The Mafia--that is, Italian-American crime figures--Killed JFK."

Marcello was only one cog in the Lansky Syndicate. Marcello also had ties to Israel’s allies in the CIA.

Two other top Italian-AMerican crime figures—Johnny Rosselli and Santo Trafficante, Jr. have often linked to the JFK assassination.

Although both Rosselli and Trafficante were major players in the criminal underworld, both were, in fact—like Carlos Marcello—subordinates of Meyer Lansky.

Rosselli and Trafficante were Lansky’s point men in Lansky’s dealings with Israel’s allies in the CIA in assassination plots against Fidel Castro.

In truth, the Jewish presence in organized crime in America is a little-known phenomenon that the "Mafia"-obsessed media has kept under wraps.

What about Jack Ruby, the Jewish nightclub operator, who killed Lee Harvey Oswald, the president’s accused assassin?

Ruby’s connections to the criminal underworld are well-documented. However, what is ignored is Ruby’s integral link to the Meyer Lansky Crime Syndicate—not "the Mafia"— and to Israel’s allies in the CIA.

In Final Judgment I have documented additional connections between Jack Ruby and the state of Israel and its arms-smuggling and financial conduits in the United States.

FBI documents, long suppressed, reveal that Ruby himself traveled to Israel in 1955 and that while in San Francisco that year, Ruby told a friend, "After I leave here I’m going to Florida to buy a load of contraband to send to Israel."

In addition, note that Lawrence Meyers, Ruby’s long-time friend with whom he met the night before the JFK assassination, was a salesman for Ero Manufacturing, a firm linked to a corporation investigated for illegal arms shipments to Israel.

In addition, we also now know that Jack Ruby was on the payroll of the Lansky Crime Syndicate-connected Bronfman family (now headed by Edgar Bronfman, leader of the World Jewish Congress).

Considering the Bronfman family's intimate ties to the Mossad-sponsored Permindex entity that played a central role in the JFK assassination conspiracy, the Ruby connection to the Bronfman family does point toward yet another Israeli connection to the JFK conspiracy.

The genesis of Israeli involvement in the JFK assassination was JFK’s growing conflict with Israel over Israel’s drive to build the nuclear bomb.

While the history books have told us of John F. Kennedy’s epic struggles with Fidel Castro and with the Soviets in the Bay of Pigs debacle and the Cuban Missile Crisis only in recent years have we begun to learn of Kennedy’s secret war with Israel.

By mid-1963 Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion hated Kennedy with a passion. In fact, he considered JFK a threat to the very survival of the Jewish State.

As far as writing specifically about what I have called "JFK's secret war with Israel," I primarily relied on three sources:

1) The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy by Pulitizer Prize-winning veteran New York Times journalist Seymour Hersh.

2) Dangerous Liasion: The Inside Story of the U.S.-Israeli Covert Relationship by husband-and-wife team, Andrew and Leslie Cockburn, both respected liberal journalists; and

3) Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations With a Militant Israel by Stephen Green, who has been associated with the very "mainstream" Council on Foreign Relations and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Hersh and Green, by the way, are Jewish. All three books were published by respected "mainstream" publishing houses.

No honest JFK assassination researcher can claim to be fully versed in the dynamics of conspiracy until he or she has read these volumes, all of which make it very clear that JFK and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion were at serious loggerheads, to the point that Ben-Gurion believed that JFK’s policy was a threat to Israel’s very survival--and said so.

Upon JFK’s assassination, American policy toward the Middle East did an amazing 180 degree turn-about--the most immediate result of the American president’s murder.

This is a cold, hard, indisputable fact not subject to debate. The evidence is all too clear.

In Final Judgment I pointed out, citing Hersh, that the Israeli press and the world press "told the world that Ben-Gurion's sudden resignation was a result of his dissatisfaction with domestic political scandals and turmoil that were rocking Israel."

However, Hersh went on to say, quite significantly, that there was "no way for the Israeli public" to know that there was "yet another factor" behind the resignation: specifically, in Hersh's words, Ben-Gurion's "increasingly bitter impasse with Kennedy over a nuclear-armed Israel."

The final showdown with JFK over the nuclear bomb was clearly, the "primary reason" behind Ben-Gurion's resignation.

The drive to build a nuclear bomb was not only a major aim of Israel's defense policy (its very foundation) and also a particular special interest of Ben-Gurion.

The fact is that Seymour Hersh's revelations about JFK and Ben-Gurion have been easily eclipsed by a more recent volume on the same subject—this one written by an Israeli scholar, Avner Cohen.

When Cohen released his 1999 book Israel and the Bomb (New York: Columbia University Press), the book created quite a sensation in Israel to the point that journalist Tom Segev writing in the Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz, declared that "Cohen's book will necessitate the rewriting of Israel's entire history."

In the opening pages of his book, Cohen writes at length about Ben-Gurion's special interest in the construction of an Israeli nuclear bomb and the reasoning behind it.

Cohen has written, in part:

Ben-Gurion was consumed by fears for Israel’s security . . .

In his correspondence with President John F. Kennedy in 1963, he wrote:

"Mr. President, my people have the right to exist, both in Israel and wherever that may live, and this existence is in danger." . . .

Israeli military planners have always considered a scenario in which a united Arab military coalition launched a war against Israel with the aim of liberating Palestine and destroying the Jewish state. This was referred to in the early 1950s as mikre hkol, or the "everything scenario."

This kind of planning was unique to Israel, as few nations have military contingency plans aimed at preventing apocalypse.

Ben-Gurion had no qualms about Israel’s need for weapons of mass destruction . . . Ben Gurion saw Arab hostility toward Israel as deep and long-lasting . . . Ben-Gurion’s pessimism . . . influenced Israel’s foreign and defense policy for years. Ben-Gurion’s world view and his decisive governing style shaped his critical role in initiating Israel’s nuclear program.

On 27 June 1963, eleven days after he announced his resignation, Ben-Gurion delivered a farewell address to the employees of the Armaments Development Authority in which . . . he provided the justification for the nuclear project:

"I do not know of any other nation whose neighbors declare that they wish to terminate it, and not only declare, but prepare for it by all means available to them. We must have no illusions that what is declared every day in Cairo, Damascus, Iraq are just words.

This is the thought that guides the Arab leaders . . . I am confident . . . that science is able to provide us with the weapon that will secure the peace, and deter our enemies."

To summarize:

The "nuclear option" was not only at the very core of Ben-Gurion's personal worldview, but the very foundation of Israel's national security policy.

The Israelis were essentially willing, if necessary, to "blow up the world"—including themselves—if they had to do so in order to defeat their Arab foes.

This is what Seymour Hersh notes Israeli nuclear planners considered "the Samson Option"—that, as Samson of the Bible, after being captured by the Philistines, brought down Dagon's Temple in Gaza and killed himself along with his enemies.

As Hersh put it, on page 137 in his book, "For Israel's nuclear advocates, the Samson Option became another way of saying 'Never again," (in reference to preventing another Holocaust).

All of the evidence, taken together in the big picture, clearly demonstrates that it was indeed "The Sampton Option" that was indeed the primary cause of Ben-Gurion's resignation.

The bottom line is that—in 1963—the issue of JFK's conflict with Ben-Gurion was a secret to both the Israeli public and the American public and remained so for more than 20 years at least and still remains so, despite the release of Hersh's book, followed by Final Judgment and then the book by Avner Cohen.

Avner Cohen's very powerful book essentially confirmed everything that Hersh had written but went even further.

Cohen describes how the conflict between JFK and Ben-Gurion was reaching its pinnacle in 1963 and how, on June 16 of that year, JFK sent a letter to the Israeli leader that Cohen says on page 134 of his book was "the toughest and most explicit message" yet. Cohen adds:

The purpose of the letter was to solidify the terms of the American visits [to Israel’s nuclear plant at Dimona] in a way that would accord with these minimum conditions on which the intelligence community insisted.

To force Ben-Gurion to accept the conditions, Kennedy exerted the most useful leverage available to an American president in dealing with Israel: a threat that an unsatisfactory solution would jeopardize the U.S. government’s commitment to, and support of, Israel . . . The showdown Ben-Gurion was trying to avoid now appeared imminent.

Ben-Gurion never read the letter. It was cabled to [U.S. Ambassador to Israel Walworth Barbour] on Saturday, 15 June, with instructions to deliver it by hand to Ben-Gurion the next day, but on that Sunday, Ben-Gurion announced his resignation.

Cohen says that Ben-Gurion never provided an explanation for his decision, except in reference to "personal reasons." To his cabinet colleagues Ben-Gurion said that he "must" resign and that "no state problem or event caused it."

Cohen adds on page 136 that Ben-Gurion had "concluded that he could not tell the truth about Dimona to American leaders, not even in private."

And this is saying a lot, considering the effort by critics of Final Judgment to say that Israel and the United States are such "close allies" that the Israelis would never ever think of doing something nasty to an American president—even one who was adamantly determined to stop Israel from establishing a nuclear defense system that the nation's leaders considered critical to the nation's survival.

I should add that French President DeGaulle's reversal on the issue of what was clearly critical French support for Israel's nuclear ambitions is quite significant indeed, particularly in light of what is documented in Final Judgment.

Without going into all of the details here (which can easily be found in Final Judgment in very much detail), the fact is that Permindex, the Mossad-sponsored money laundering and arms procurement operation that New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison unearthed during his JFK assassination inquiry had also been connected to assassination attempts on Charles DeGaulle prior to the assassination of President Kennedy.

It is no coincidence that Permindex should be connected to assassination conspiracies aimed against two foreign leaders who happened to be united in their opposition to Israel's nuclear ambitions.

In addition, as Final Judgment also documents, based on a variety of "responsible" sources, the Israelis had yet another reason to oppose DeGaulle:

The French president had granted independence to the French colony of Arab Algeria, an action that inflamed not only Israel, but certain elements in DeGaulle's own military and intelligence services and brought them into alliance with Israel against DeGaulle.

Those interested in the specifics of this matter may refer to Final Judgment, but suffice it to say, there is much more to the French connection.

In any case, what happened between JFK and the new Israeli prime minister, Levi Eshkol, who succeeded Ben-Gurion upon the latter's resignation is significant.

Immediately upon Eshkol's succession, JFK wrote a letter to the new prime minister that was evidently even more fierce than JFK's previous communications with Ben-Gurion. Avner Cohen writes:

Not since Eisenhower’s message to Ben-Gurion in the midst of the Suez crisis in November 1956 had an American president been so blunt with an Israeli prime minister.

Kennedy told Eshkol that the U.S. commitment and support of Israel "could be seriously jeopardized" if Israel did not let the United States obtain "reliable information" about its efforts in the nuclear field.

Kennedy presented detailed technical instructions on how his requirements should be executed.

Kennedy’s demands were unprecedented. They amounted, in effect, to an ultimatum.

Cohen notes on page 159 that: "From [Eshkol’s] perspective, Kennedy’s demands seemed diplomatically inappropriate; they were inconsistent with national sovereignty. There was no legal basis or political precedent for such demands," Cohen says "Kennedy’s letter precipitated a near-crisis situation in the prime minister’s office."

So Kennedy was as equally upsetting to the new prime minister as he had been to David Ben-Gurion!

Kennedy's pressure on Israel did not end with the resignation of Ben-Gurion. Instead, it clearly intensified.

Cohen then describes a "November secret meeting" held in Washington, D.C (November 13-14) between the Israelis and the Americans and says that Israel "had a broader agenda . . . than the United States was willing to discuss."

Yet, Cohen notes the nuclear issue was so sensitive that during face-to-face secret meetings between United States and Israeli officials when they were discussing other issues, the subject of Israel's nuclear bomb was not discussed.

The issue was that inflammatory. It was left for future discussion. But JFK was assassinated eight days later, and the dynamics of the U.S.-Israeli relationship changed dramatically as a consequence.

The Israeli newspaper, Ha'aretz, published a review of Cohen's book on February 5, 1999, calling it "a bombshell of a book." The Ha'aretz review, by Reuven Pedatzur, is quite interesting. It reads in part:

The murder of American President John F. Kennedy brought to an abrupt end the massive pressure being applied by the U.S. administration on the government of Israel to discontinue the nuclear program.

Cohen demonstrates at length the pressures applied by Kennedy on Ben-Gurion. He brings the fascinating exchange of letters between the two, in which Kennedy makes it quite clear to the Israeli prime minister that he will under no circumstances agree to Israel becoming a nuclear state.

The book implied that, had Kennedy remained alive, it is doubtful whether Israel would today have a nuclear option.

I couldn't put it better myself. If this were a court case, I could rightly say, at this juncture, "The defense rests."

According to historian Stephen Green: "Perhaps the most significant development of 1963 for the Israeli nuclear weapons program, however, occurred on November 22 on a plane flying from Dallas to Washington, D.C., Lyndon Baines Johnson was sworn in as the 36th President of the United States, following the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

Green writes: "In the early years of the Johnson administration the Israeli nuclear weapons program was referred to in Washington as ‘the delicate topic.’ Lyndon Johnson’s White House saw no Dimona, heard no Dimona, and spoke no Dimona when the reactor went critical in early 1964."

Thus it was that the critical point of dispute between John F. Kennedy and the Mossad-dominated government of Israel was no longer an issue. The new American president—so long a partisan of Israel—allowed the nuclear development to continue. This was just the beginning.

There is an aside to all of this that should be noted: Final Judgment documents a Peking connection to the JFK assassination conspiracy, relating directly to Israel’s secret nuclear allliance with China.

Not only U.S. policy toward Israel reversed upon JFK’s assassination. Although it’s virtually forgotten, John F. Kennedy was planning a military assault on Red China’s nuclear weapons development facilities in the months prior to his assassination. However, one month after JFK’s death, Lyndon Johnson canceled the project and allowed China to proceed with the assembly of its nuclear arsenal.

The big secret is that at the time of JFK’s assassination, Israel’s Mossad and Red China’s intelligence service were working behind the scenes on joint nuclear weapons development.

The evidence suggests that "the China card" played a critical (secret) factor in Israel’s participation in the JFK assassination conspiracy. This is documented in detail in Final Judgment.

I would be remiss in not addressing the question of CIA involvement alongside the Mossad in the JFK assassination.

By 1963 John F. Kennedy was not only at war with Israel and the Meyer Lansky Organized Crime Syndicate, but he was also at war with their close ally in the international intelligence underworld—the CIA.

Final Judgment shows that Israel’s chief contact at the CIA, the Soviet-hating James Jesus Angleton, ultimately played a pivotal role in the JFK assassination conspiracy cover-up.

In light of the Angleton connection, I should note how the worldwide media has given great play to the release of a new book that purported to "prove" that it was the Soviet KGB that concocted the story that the CIA was behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

The book purported to be the inside history of the KGB’s secret intelligence operations in the U.S. and Europe The Sword and the Shield by Professor Christopher Andrew of Cambridge—described as "one of the world’s leading authorities on intelligence history,".

The book was said to be based on extensive notes and transcriptions (secretly compiled over a 12 year period) of vast numbers of files from the KGB archives. The notes themselves were supposedly smuggled out of KGB headquarters by former KGB archivist Vasili Mitrokhin who retired from the KGB in 1984 and who then defected to Britain in 1992 after the CIA had rejected Mitrokhin.

One major problem with the Andrew book is that while it is quite thoroughly footnoted, with hundreds of references to a wide-ranging amount of material, it is not always clear (actually, more often than not) whether Andrew is purporting to cite the Mitrokhin archives as his source or whether the information he is presenting is Andrew’s own interpretation, based on the material of others.

In that sense, then, while the book is quite skilfully written in such a way that it appears to present the information presented as having come from the KGB’s supposedly purloined file, that is not always necessarily the case.

It appears Andrew’s book is presenting the Mitrokhin archives as some sort of effort to counter new official histories of the KGB that are being released by the KGB’s post-Soviet era successor, the SVR.

For example, Andrew lashes out at Lolly Zamoysky, the SVR’s literary editor of the new multi-volume official history, as having been "well known" in the KGB "for his belief in a global Masonic-Zionist plot."

Thus, Andrew’s book is effectively an attempt to counter allegations of high-level Zionist intrigue that has been documented by the official post-KGB Russian intelligence services.

In that regard, it is quite remarkable to note that in the entirety of this extensively documented and indexed 700-page volume, there is only one indexed reference to Israel and not a single indexed reference to the Mossad, this despite the widely-known fact that the Mossad played a central role alongside the CIA in its operations in Western Europe throughout the period that Andrew has purported to describe.

Likewise, in the same vein, there are only two indexed references to the CIA’s longtime counterintelligence chief, James Jesus Angleton, even though Angleton, who is best remembered for his strident anti-Soviet stance, having spent decades looking for a "KGB mole" in the upper echelons of the CIA and for KGB moles in allied Western intelligence agencies—was also a devoted Israeli loyalist who jealously guarded his role as the CIA’s liaison to the Mossad.

Perhaps the most glaring evidence of outright fraud, per se, in the Andrew production is the flimsy and quite transparent attempt to absolve the CIA of any involvement in the assassination of John F. Kennedy and, at the same time, make it appear as though so-called "theories" linking the CIA to the crime were exclusively disinformation put forth by the KGB.

In fact, when the news of Andrew’s book was first announced in the major media, most reports focused—sometimes exclusively—on the purported revelation that it was actually the KGB that was behind the theory that the CIA was involved in the president’s murder. Most people who read news accounts of the release of the book would probably have gleaned little more than that.

Andrew’s book claimed that KGB data purloined by Mitrokhin revealed that a letter—supposedly written prior to the assassination by JFK’s accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, and addressed to a "Mr. Hunt" (presumably the CIA’s E. Howard Hunt)—was actually a KGB forgery. According to Andrew, the letter was fabricated in the mid-1970s after Hunt’s name came to widespread public attention over his involvement in the Watergate scandal and then sent out to independent researchers who were looking into the JFK assassination.

As part of this effort to vindicate the CIA, hinging on the story of the purported KGB forgery, Andrew spends a great deal of energy spinning a literary web around the charge that pioneer JFK assassination investigator Mark Lane was either a witting or unwitting tool of the KGB in his writing of Rush to Judgment, Lane’s ground-breaking critique of the Warren Commission Report on the assassination of President Kennedy.

Andrew connects Lane to the theory that "the CIA killed JFK" but fails to advise his readers that never once in Rush to Judgment did Lane ever allege that the CIA was involved in the president’s assassination.

And Lane’s book never once, in any way, shape or form, referred to the apparently forged "Dear Mr. Hunt" letter so widely heralded in the press coverage of Andrew’s book..

While Lane’s thesis about CIA involvement was outlined in his much later-written 1993 book, Plausible Denial, based in part on the information that came out during Lane’s defense in 1985 of The Spotlight newspaper against a libel suit filed by E. Howard Hunt, the "Dear Mr. Hunt" letter played no part in the scenario outlined in Plausible Denial either.

In addition, in Plausible Denial, Lane develops solid evidence demonstrating that the CIA itself fabricated a scenario linking Oswald to a KGB officer in Mexico.

Since this CIA operation actually took place more than a month before President Kennedy was killed, this evidence—standing alone—demonstrates behind question that the CIA was involved not just in the post-assassination cover-up, but in the planning of the crime itself and in the framing of the patsy. Needless to say, Andrew addresses none of this.

In fact, the "Dear Mr. Hunt" letter was indeed most likely a forgery but the question remains as to "who" concocted the forgery, Christopher Andrew’s claims notwithstanding.

Andrew, of course, contends that the KGB was responsible, but in Final Judgment I very clearly suggest that the letter was a forgery and that the evidence actually points to high-ranking CIA official James J. Angleton as having been the likely perpetrator.

All of this perhaps explains why Andrew is so determined to suppress the facts by targeting Mark Lane who singularly did so much to bring out the truth about the CIA’s complicity.

Andrew actually makes the flat-out allegation that Lane received funding from the KGB at the time he was writing Rush to Judgment, thereby leaving readers to conclude that Lane’s own work was essentially part of a KGB disinformation effort.

Yet, at the same time, buried in the massive footnote section of the book, Andrew himself acknowledges that when Lane supposedly received a paltry $1500 from the KGB’s New York office that "there is no evidence that Lane did realize the source of the funding" although, in the text of the book itself, Andrew contends that the KGB "suspected that he might have guessed where it came from."

In fact, Lane never once received any substantial contribution of this size from anyone at any time in relation to his work on the JFK assassination.

In addition, Andrew claims that while in Europe Lane made an attempt to visit Moscow to discuss his JFK findings. Again, not true. During that trip Lane actually took an outspoken stand against Soviet censorship and human rights violations during a visit to Bulgaria, where he had been invited to speak at an international conference of attorneys. Lane so offended his hosts by his anti-Soviet remarks that they advised him that his best option was to get out of the country immediately—hardly advice reserved for someone favored by the KGB.

What is most telling about the obvious disinformation campaign against Lane by Andrew is the very fact that not a single one of Lane’s books (on the JFK assassination or any other subject) was ever translated and published under Soviet sponsorship.

Yet Christopher Andrew has made patently false allegations about Lane’s supposed "KGB connection." The allegations are a deliberate attempt to sully Lane’s reputation and an attempt to refute evidence of CIA complicity in the assassination of President Kennedy.

As such, it is not unfair to note that Andrew’s own teaching and lecturing has, in fact, been subsidized in part by the CIA, a fact that Andrew’s biography on his book’s dust jacket fails to note, but which is mentioned in glowing terms in promotional materials that have been distributed by his publisher. The motivations of Andrew (and his ties to the intelligence community) must certainly raise eyebrows considering just the items that we’ve considered here.

The CIA, of course, had its own problems with JFK. Just six weeks before John F. Kennedy was shot, a top administration official warned that a CIA-orchestrated coup in America was a fearful possibility. The CIA—like its allies in Israel—had good reason (in its own perception) to want to see JFK removed from the White House and replaced with Lyndon B. Johnson.

JFK's battle with the CIA over the Bay of Pigs debacle was just the beginning. JFK was—by the last days of his presidency—not only fighting the CIA's efforts to involve the United States ever more deeply in CIA but he was also moving toward dismantling the CIA entirely. The CIA's very existence was in danger.

This, of course, has brought focus to the CIA as a likely suspect in the JFK assassination and it was a course of investigation followed by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison in the late 1960s, for which he received much abuse by the major media in America.

In fact, as I have pointed out earlier, Garrison had unwittingly stumbled on the Mossad connection while investigating CIA figures Clay Shaw, David Ferrie, Guy Banister and others whom Garrison had linked to the JFK assassination.

There are other often-mentioned CIA connections to the assassination that also point toward the Mossad although Final Judgment has been the only volume to explore those Mossad connections.

Note for example that a former mistress of Fidel Castro, CIA asset Marita Lorenz, testified that longtime CIA operative Frank Sturgis, famous as an anti-Castro activist, told her after the assssination that he had been involved in the JFK assassination.

Based on his own extensive study of the JFK assassination Cuba's former chief of counterintelligence, General Fabian Escalante Escalante, told journalist Claudia Furiati that Cuban intelligence had determined that, in fact, "Sturgis was in charge of communications—receiving and transmitting information on the movement at Dealey Plaza and the motorcade to the shooters and others."

If Sturgis was involved in the actual mechanics of the assassination, the historical evidence suggests that Sturgis could have been functioning as a knowing Mossad tool in the conspiracy.

The truth is that going back some fifteen years prior to the JFK assassination, Sturgis had worked for the Mossad.

Sturgis was a "Hagannah mercenary during the first (1948) Israeli-Arab war," and Sturgis also had a girlfriend in Europe in the 1950s who worked for Israeli intelligence and with whom he worked. Sturgis himself said that he assisted his girlfriend as a courier in Europe in a number of her endeavors on behalf of the Mossad.

It was also well known among anti-Castro Cuban exiles that Sturgis had also worked for the Mossad and had done so for a long period of time.

In addition, during the heyday of the CIA's anti-Castro operations in Miami in which Sturgis and E. Howard Hunt were key figures, some 12 to 16 Mossad agents worked out of Miami under the command of Mossad Deputy Director Yehuda S. Sipper, their influence reaching throughout Latin America and the Caribbean.

Citing a 1976 CIA memo, Professor John Newman who has investigated CIA knowledge of Lee Harvey Oswald's activities, says that Sturgis founded the International Anti-Communist Brigade and that "the backers of Sturgis’ group have never been fully established."

Information outlined by a number of sources suggests that Sturgis’ group could have been an off-shoot of the Mossad's Miami-based operations, intertwined with Sturgis' own CIA-sponsored intrigue in the same sphere of influence.

In fact, a unit of Sturgis’ Brigade was CIA contract agent Gerry Patrick Hemming’s so-called "Interpen" that operated outside New Orleans and Sturgis was connected with those Interpen operations.

Those activities around New Orleans are known to have involved two of the key players surrounding Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the JFK assassination: CIA contract agents Guy Banister and David Ferrie.

In fact, there is an Israeli connection to Interpen. According to Hemming himself, Interpen’s "most important contact in the United States" was New York financier, Theodore Racoosin, whom Hemming described as "one of the key founders of the state of Israel."

After having read Final Judgment, Hemming frankly told the author that although he personally has seen no evidence that convinces him the Mossad participated directly in the JFK assassination, he did say that "I have known since the late 1960s that the Mossad was aware of the JFK murder even before it happened, and they later did a full investigation on the matter and have since retained all such files." [Emphasis added.]

In any case, we not only find CIA asset Clay Shaw of New Orleans tied to the Mossad through his association with the Permindex operation (as were Banister and Ferrie), but we also find two other CIA-connected players in the anti-Castro operations out of New Orleans (Sturgis and Hemming) were in the Mossad's sphere of influence. And Lee Harvey Oswald is tied to all of the key players involved.

In any event, there is no question that, based on the facts about Sturgis that we now do know that at least one person who has reportedly confessed to actual involvement in the JFK assassination—Frank Sturgis—did have multiple longtime links to the Mossad for many years prior to (and after) the time of the JFK assassination.

The influence of Israel and its lobby over the American media would have made it difficult for anyone who even suspected that Israel had a hand in the JFK assassination to get the word out. The media promoted the conclusions of the Warren Commission and savaged its critics. And when the media did place the blame it was on Fidel Castro and then, later, on "the Mafia."

In addition, the CIA played a major part in shaping media coverage of the JFK assassination—not to mention other major events of recent history.

Through a project initiated on April 1, 1967, the [Central Intelligence] Agency directed its "propaganda assets" in the field to take actions to discredit critics of the Warren Commission Report on the Kennedy assassination through books reviews and feature articles, not only attacking their conclusions but suggesting that they were subversively motivated.

What about the Warren Commission that investigated—most would say "covered up" the truth about the assassination?

Please note of the 22 Warren Commission staff attorneys, fully nine of them were Jewish. Another was married to a Jewish woman. Additionally, several others had known, intimate connections to the Israeli lobby in America.

One of the commission’s most active members—Rep. Gerald R. Ford (R-Mich.)—was the protege of Max Fisher, a millionaire businessman with close ties to both the Mossad and the Lansky Crime Syndicate. Another, John McCloy, was connected to the Bronfman family, sponsors of the aforementioned Permindex entity, and to the international Jewish Warburg banking empire.

Of course, The Washington Post, The New York Times, and a host of other "responsible" newspapers have NOT reviewed Final Judgment, although I have sent them copies.

Yet, in this regard I cannot help but note that when on November 22, 1964 The Washington Post drafted someone to write what turned out to be a favorable review of The Warren Commission Report, accompanied by negative reviews of several books critical of the report, the Post chose Eugene Rostow, then dean of the Yale Law School. Here's what the prestigious Dean Rostow wrote of the Warren Report: Bear with me. This is "too much": Rostow wrote:

The Report is a masterly and convincing state paper. It has the high polish of legal writing at its best, carefully composed, terse, restrained and meticulous. [It has] a detached and judicious tone . . .

But here's the catch . . .

What neither The Washington Post nor Rostow revealed was that it was Rostow himself who was the first person to suggest to President Johnson that such a commission as the Warren Commission be established!

And by the way, just for the record, if the Mossad did have a hand in the JFK assassination, you can be certain Rostow would have never written about it. Here's why:

Rostow has been a board member of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs, which has been described as being "run by individuals closely identified with Israeli interests and may be regarded as a virtual lobbying organization for the state of Israel."

Of course, the murder in 1968 of Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, younger brother of the slain president, was vital to the continuing cover-up of the truth about the JFK assassination.

If RFK had made it to the White House he would finally have had the power to bring his brother’s killers to justice.

The slaying of Robert F. Kennedy links not only Israel and its allies in the CIA but also SAVAK, the secret police of the Shah of Iran. SAVAK was a joint creation of the CIA and the Mossad, along with British intelligence, and cooperated closely with those agencies on many fronts—including the RFK assassination. This is explored in the pages of Final Judgment.

The connection between the Kennedy assassination and the Watergate affair that toppled Richard Nixon has been the basis for an incredible amount of misinformation and disinformation since the fall of President Nixon in 1974.

There is indeed a Watergate Connection to the JFK assassination but it’s one that even the most intrepid JFK assassination researchers have somehow seemed to miss.

The true Dallas-Watergate Connection is the long-hidden role of Israel’s CIA man, James Jesus Angleton—the prime CIA mover not only behind the JFK assassination but also the forced resignation of Richard M. Nixon. This is also explored in Final Judgment.

I was frankly astounded myself at the amount of material that emerged which did support my thesis. At the same time, though, there is absolutely no "evidence" of any kind to REFUTE my thesis. Only opinion, as in, "Oh, Israel would never do anything like that!"

Although I did keep thinking until almost the very end of the writing process that I would perhaps find some fact that would contradict my thesis, I never found any such information.

Instead, in the ten years that have passed since I was working on the first draft of the book, I have found a wealth of new information that solidifies and expands upon what had already been published.

The very strength of my book, according to many readers who are familiar with other data on the JFK assassination, is that it shows how all of the more familiar theories about the assassination are connected—and that connection is indeed the Israeli connection.

To this day, eight years after the release of the book:

• No one has been able to rebut the thesis, misquoted any of my sources or quoted any of my sources out of context.

• No one has been able to demonstrate where any of the key points in my thesis are refuted by other information.

• No one has has cited any specific errors (relevant to the thesis) that would contradict my thesis.

In the book I have pointed out the minor errors that have appeared in previous editions and challenged my readers: "Show Me Where I’m Wrong." But none have done so.

Considering the energetic and very public efforts of theJewish ADL to defame this book, one would think that the ADL would assemble a crack team of researchers to tear the book apart. And bear in mind that if the book were that insignificant, the ADL would not pay Final Judgment the attention that they do.

But the ADL refuses to debate me. People should ask "why?"

TO CONCLUDE:

A reader of Final Judgment met famed CBS Newsman Mr. Cronkite at Martha's Vineyard. He apprised Cronkite of the theory put forth in Final Judgment, and Cronkite listened carefully.

Looking out to sea, Cronkite remarked quite succinctly: "I can’t think of any group—with the exception of Israeli intelligence—that would have been able to keep the JFK assassination conspiracy under wraps for so long."

This is our final judgment: Israel’s Mossad was a primary (and critical) behind the scenes player in the conspiracy that ended the life of John F. Kennedy. Through its own vast resources and through its international contacts in the intelligence community and in organized crime, Israel had the means, it had the opportunity, and it had the motive to play a major frontline role in the crime of the century—and it did.

The evidence demonstrates that there is a very strong foundation for my thesis.

It is a scenario that does make sense, much to the dismay of my critics.

I believe this scenario comes closer than anything yet written in summarizing the entirety of the JFK assassination conspiracy.

Final Judgment takes a new look at a very big jigsaw puzzle that displays a remarkably complex and somewhat murky picture.

On the immensely confusing picture on the front of the puzzle are all of the various groups and individuals implicated in the JFK assassination conspiracy.

However, when you turn the puzzle over, you find one complete picture—and that’s a big and very clear picture of the Israeli flag.

All the other flags on the front of the puzzle are, in intelligence jargon, "false flags," and Final Judgment proves just that.

Final Judgment encapsulates a thesis that they can't discredit. The genie is out of the bottle and neither Final Judgment nor its thesis are about to go away.

The above is the prepared text of a presentation by Michael Collins Piper discussing his 760-page book, Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy, which charges that Israel’s intelligence agency, the Mossad, collaborated alongside the CIA in the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. Michael Collins Piper may be reached c/o AMERICAN FREE PRESS, 1433 Pennsylvania Avenue, SE, Washington, DC 20003