"We made a monster, a devil out of Hitler. Therefore we couldnt disavow it after the war. After all, we mobilized

the masses against the devil himself. So we were forced to play our part in this diabolic scenario after the war.

In no way we could have pointed out to our people that the war only was an economic preventive measure."
- US foreign minister Baker (1992)

'Judea declares War on Germany.' - Daily Express (March 24, 1934)

Have a number of other newspapers - showing same on front page

"Judea declares War on Germany." - Daily Express (March 24, 1934)

So who declared war on whom?

 

 

"Kill the Germans, wherever you find them! Every German is our moral enemy.

Have no mercy on women, children, or the aged! Kill every German -- wipe them out!"
- Ilya Ehrenburg, Glaser (p. 111) - a Jew

"Germany is the enemy of Judaism and must be pursued with deadly hatred. The goal of Judaism of today is:

a merciless campaign against all German peoples and the complete destruction of the nation. We demand a

complete blockade of trade, the importation of raw materials stopped, and retaliation towards every German,

woman and child."  How can Germans be the enemy of Judaism? The tribe of Yudah went from Palestine

to Germany & are one of the genuine real tribes of the Hebrew 12 tribes? The Jews are the imposters
- Jewish professor A. Kulischer (October, 1937).

"Our fight against Germany must be carried to the limit of what is possible. Israel has been attacked. Let us,

therefore, defend Israel! Against the awakened Germany, we put an awakened Israel. And the world will defend us."
- Jewish author Pierre Creange in his book Epitres aux Juifs (1938)

 

Really? When did Germany EVER attack Israel? If it wasn't for Hitler, there never would have been an "Israel".

Hitler was instrumental in negotiating with the International jew a place for the Jews, & since the Jew didn't

want the 1st offer Hitler made them, of Mauricius, he relented & worked with the Arabs & negotiated an

area of land in Palestine. The Jews should be thankful to Hitler but no, they want the world & everything in it

"Germany must be turned into a waste land, as happened there during the 30-year War."
- Das Morgenthau-Tagebuch, The Morgenthau Dairy (p. 11)

 

Obviously the penalty for having stood up to Rothchilds and the Jew in 2 world wars. Sadly, the Jew won both

 

 

"The fight against Germany has now been waged for months by every Jewish community, on every conference,

in all labor unions and by every single Jew in the world. There are reasons for the assumption that our share in

this fight is of general importance. We shall start a spiritual and material war of the whole world against Germany.

Germany is striving to become once again a great nation, and to recover her lost territories as well

as her colonies. But our Jewish interests call for the complete destruction of Germany..."
- Valadimir Jabotinsky, in Mascha Rjetsch (January, 1934) - another Jew

Guess by now you get the drift who are the real trouble makers for the world then and NOW!

 

 

 

"I hope every German west of the Rhine River and wherever we attack, will be destroyed."
- R.F. Keeling

Winston Churchill:
"We will force this war upon Hitler, if he wants it or not."
- Winston Churchill (1936 broadcast)

"Germany becomes to powerful. We have to crush it."
- Winston Churchill (November 1936 to US-General Robert E. Wood)

"Germanys unforgivable crime before WW2 was its attempt to loosen its economy out of the world trade

system and to build up an own exchange system from which the world-finance couldnt profit anymore. ...We butchered the wrong pig."
- Winston Churchill, The second World War (Bern, 1960)

"The war wasnt only about abolishing fascism, but to conquer sales markets. We could have, if we

had intended so, prevented this war from breaking out without doing one shot, but we didn't want to."
- Winston Churchill to Truman (Fultun, USA March 1946)

"Should Germany merchandise again in the next 50 years we have led this war (WW1) in vain."
- Winston Churchill in Times (1919)

"This war is an English war and its goal is the destruction of Germany."
- Winston Churchill (Autumn 1939 broadcast)

"Not the political doctrine of Hitler has hurled us into this war. The reason was the success

of his increase in building a new economy. The roots of war were envy, greed and fear."
- Major General J.F.C. Fuller, historian, England

"We didnt go to war in 1939 to save Germany from Hitler...or the continent from fascism. Like in 1914

we went to war for the not lesser noble cause that we couldnt accept a German hegemony over Europe."
- Sunday Correspondent, London (17.9.1989)

"Now we have forced Hitler to war so he no longer can peacefully annihilate one piece of the Treaty of Versailles after the other."
- Lord Halifax, English embassador in Washington (1939)

"The enemy is the German Reich and not Nazism, and those who still havent understood this, havent understood anything."
- Churchills chief counselor Robert Lord Vansittart (September 1940 to foreign minister Lord Halifax)

"It will be the Polish army that will invade Germany on the first day of war."
- The Polish embassador in Paris (15.8.1939)

"I will crunch Germany."
- Roosevelt 1932(!)

"What we didnt want to comprehend in the German (anti-Hitler) resistance during war,

we learned completely afterwards: this war wasn't led against Hitler but against Germany."
- Eugen Gerstenmaier, President of the German Bundestag since 1954, member of the resistance group "Bekennende Kirche" during WW2

"Hitler and the German people didnt want this war. We didn't answer Hitler's various petitions for peace.

Now we have to admit that he was right. Instead of a cooperation with Germany, which he had offered us,

now stands the gigantic, imperialistic might of the Sovjets. I feel ashamed to see how

the same intentions which we accused Hitler of now are pursued under a different name."
- Sir Hartley Shawcross, British chief-accuser in Nuerenberg

"We made a monster, a devil out of Hitler. Therefore we couldnt disavow it after the war. After all, we mobilized

the masses against the devil himself. So we were forced to play our part in this diabolic scenario after the war.

In no way we could have pointed out to our people that the war only was an economic preventive measure."
- US foreign minister Baker (1992)

"Will there be room for [the German refugees, fleeing before the Red army] in what is left of Germany? We have

killed six or seven million Germans and probably there will be an other million or so killed before the end of the war."
- Churchill, according to James F Byrnes' shorthand note of Plenary Session at Yalta, Feb. 7, 1945 (H S Truman Libr., Independence, Missouri).

"I do not understand the squeamishness about the use of gas. I am

strongly in favour of using poisonous gas against uncivilised tribes."
- Churchill, writing as president of the Air Council (1919)

"It is alarming and nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir

of a type well known in the east, striding half naked up the steps of the viceregal palace, while he is still organising

and conducting a campaign of civil disobedience, to parlay on equal terms with the representative of the Emperor-King."
- Churchill, commenting on Gandhi's meeting with the Viceroy of India (1931)

"(We must rally against) a poisoned Russia, an infected Russia of armed hordes not only smiting

with bayonet and cannon, but accompanied and preceded by swarms of typhus-bearing vermin."
- Churchill, quoted in the Boston Review (April/May 2001)

"So far as Britain and Russia were concerned, how would it do for you to have 90%

of Romania, for us to have 90% of the say in Greece, and go 50/50 about Yugoslavia?"
- Churchill, addressing Stalin in Moscow (October 1944)

"This movement among the Jews is not new. From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx,

and down to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun (Hungary), Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States)...

this worldwide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the reconstitution of society on the basis

of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing. It has

been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the19 th century; and now at last this band of

extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped

the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire."
- Writing on 'Zionism versus Bolshevism' in the Illustrated Sunday Herald (February 1920)

"Kill, kill, you brave Red Army soldiers, kill. There is nothing in the Germans that is innocent. Obey the instructions

of comrade Stalin and stamp the fascistic beast in its cave. Break with force the racial arrogance

of the Germanic women. Take them as your legal loot. Kill, you brave soldiers of the Red Army, kill!"
- Ilya Ehrenburg Stalin's Jewish propagandist for genocide (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurt, February 28, 1995 - page 7)

"It is not the Germany of the first decade that followed the war - broken, dejected and bowed down with

a sense of apprehension and impotence. It is now full of hope and confidence, and of a renewed sense of

determination to lead its own life without interference from any influence outside its own frontiers. One man

has accomplished this miracle. He is a born leader of men. A magnetic and dynamic

personality with a single-minded purpose, a resolute will and a dauntless heart."
- David Lloyd George (Ex-Prime Minister, UK), in the Daily Express (Sep. 17, 1936)

"Without the holocaust we would not have a Jewish state."
- Robert B. Goldmann in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (Dec. 19, 1997, p. 9)

 

 

 

 

Poland

"The minorities in Poland are supposed to disappear. The Polish policy makes sure that they dont only disappear

on the paper. This policy is ruthlessly established and without any attention to the public opinion of the world,

of international contracts or the League of Nations. The Ukraine turned to hell under Polish rule. One can

say this about Belorussia with even more right. The purpose of the Polish policy

is the disappearance of the national minorities on the paper and in reality."
- Manchester Guardian (14th December 1931)

"East Prussia is unquestionable German territory. Since my childhood this is my opinon which didnt need the

affirmation by a plebiscite. And that this is my opinion you may tell your

East Prussians in a public gathering in Knigsberg for reassurance."
- The president of the Polish state and Marshall Josef Pilsudski who mysteriously lost his life

in the 1930s, to the German foreign minister Gustav Stresemann (10th December 1927)

"The Polish terror in the Ukraine today is worse than anything else in Europe. Ukraine became a country of

desperation and destruction. The murderous deeds multiplied. The Germans have been tortured, mutilated,

excruciated to death, their corpses were desecrated. Villages and palaces have been robbed, ignited, blown

up. The depicted incidents in the official publication of the German

government in 1921 exceed the worst actions one can imagine."
- Prof. Dr. Ren Martel in his book, Les frontières orientales de l'Allemagne

(Paris 1930) about the Polish raids in Upper Silesia in 1921.

"We know that the war between Poland and Germany cant be prevented. We have to systematically and energetically

prepare ourselves for this war. The present generation will see that a new victory at Grunwald will be written

into historys pages. But we will battle out this Grunwald in the suburbs of Berlin. Our ideal is to chamfer Poland

with borders along the Oder in the west and the Neie at Lausitz and to absorb Prussia from Pregel to

the Spree. In this war no prisoners will be made, there will be no place for humanitarian feelings."
- The censored, and closely to the Polish military dictatorship related newspaper

Mosarstwowiecz (1930), three years before Hitler came to power.

"We are ready to make a contract with the devil if he helps us fighting against Hitler. Listen: against Germany

not only against Hitler. The German blood will be spilled in a future war

in such streams like it wasnt seen since the beginning of the world."
- Warsaw newspaper Depesza (20.August 1939)

"We are ready for any war, even with the strongest opponent..."
- Polska Zbrojna (25. Mrz 1939), quoted in Walendy, Historische Tatsachen, a.a.O. (Heft 39, S. 16)

"Poland wants war with Germany and Germany will not be able to avoid it, even if it wants to."
- Rydz-Smigly, Chief inspector of the Polish army in a public speech in front of Polish officiers (Summer 1939)

 

 

 

Britain/Churchill

"The Air Ministry agreed that it was most useful to be able to use gas on less sophisticated enemies who would

have no idea from where the danger they faced came. The use of gas was banned by the 1925 Geneva protocol."
- The Daily Telegraph (January 3, 1997)

"Perhaps the next time round the way to do it will be to kill women, children and the civilian population."
- Churchill, quoted during the First World War

"Previously it appeared to me to be a just answer to the crimes of the Third Reich, but I've since changed my mind.

Until the Second World War there was a common consensus that the massacre of civilian populations was illegal."
- Jrg Friedrich, historian

"I am, of course, a Zionist, and have been ever since the Balfour Declaration."
- Churchill quoted in The Official Churchill in One Volume, N.Y. Times (Nov. 6, 1991) by Herbert Mitgang

 

 

 

Eisenhower on German war prisoners

"God, I hate the Germans..."
- Ike The Kike Dwight David Eisenhower in a letter to his wife (September, 1944)

"Prison enclosures are to provide no shelter or other comforts."
- Ike The Kike Dwight David Eisenhower

"Under no circumstances may food supplies be assembled among the local inhabitants in order to deliver

them to prisoners of war. Those who violate this command and nevertheless try to circumvent this

blockade to allow something to come to the prisoners place themselves in danger of being shot."
- Dwight David Eisenhower

"For years we have blamed the 1.7 million missing German POW's on the Russians. Until now, no one dug

too deeply ... Witnesses and survivors have been interviewed by the author; one Allied officer compared

the American camps to Buchenwald."
- Peter Worthington, Ottawa Sun (September 12, 1989)

"Starting in April 1945, the United States Army and the French Army casually annihilated one million [German]

men, most of them in American camps . . . Eisenhower's hatred, passed through the lens of a compliant military

bureaucracy, produced the horror of death camps unequalled by anything in American history . . . an enormous war crime."
- Col. Ernest F. Fisher, PhD Lt., 101 st Airborne Division, Senior Historian, United States Army

"My protests (regarding treatment of the German DEF'S) were met with hostility or indifference, and when I threw

our ample rations to them over the barbed wire. I was threatened, making it

clear that it was our deliberate policy not to adequately feed them."
- Martin Brech, ex-Private First Class, in Company C of the 14th Infantry, assigned as a guard

and interpreter at the Eisenhower Death Camp at Andernach, along the Rhine River

"When they caught me throwing C- Rations over the fence, they threatened me with imprisonment. One Captain

told me that he would shoot me if he saw me again tossing food to the Germans ... Some of the men were really

only boys13 years of age...Some of the prisoners were old men drafted by Hitler in his last ditch stand ...

I understand that average weight of the prisoners at Andernach was 90 pounds...I have received threats ...

Nevertheless, this...has liberated me, for I may now be heard when I relate the horrible

atrocity I witnessed as a prison guard for one of 'Ike's death camps' along the Rhine."

"At first, the women from the nearby town brought food into the camp. The American soldiers took everything

away from the women, threw it in a heap and poured gasoline over it and burned it." - Former camp prisoner.

"Many a sane American family would recoil in horror if they knew how 'Our Boys'

conduct themselves, with such complete callousness in human relationships over here."
- A serviceman, the TIME Magazine (November 12, 1945)

"Starting in April 1945, the United States Army and the French Army casually annihilated one million [German]

men, most of them in American camps . . . Eisenhower's hatred, passed through the lens of a compliant military

bureaucracy, produced the horror of death camps unequaled by anything in American history . . . an enormous war crime."
- Col. Ernest F. Fisher, PhD Lt. 101st Airborne Division, Senior Historian, United States Army.The Morgenthau Plan:

"I further urged the point that by taking south-western Germany we were in a more congenial part of Germany

and further away from the dirty work that the Russians might be doing with the Prussians in Eastern Germany.

I was inclined to think that I had made an impression on him, but it was impossible to say. I either then or in my

former meeting pressed on him the importance of not partitioning Germany other than the allotment of

East Prussia to Russia or Poland, and Alsace Lorraine to France and a possible allotment of Silesia to Poland,

namely trimming the outer edges of Germany. Other than those allotments I feared that a division of Germany

and a policy which would prevent her from being industrialised would starve her excess population of 30 million

people, giving again my description of how she had grown during the period between 1870 and 1914 by

virtue of her industrialisation..."
- Diary of Henry Stimmson, (August 25, 1944)

"Germany must be turned into a waste land, as happened there during the 30-year War."
- Das Morgenthau-Tagebuch, The Morgenthau Dairy (p. 11)

"The Morgenthau Plan for Germany ... became part of the Potsdam Agreement, a solemn declaration of

policy and undertaking for action ... signed by the United States of America, Great Britain and the

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics."
- New York Post (Nov. 24, 1947)

 

 

 

Allied war crimes

 

 

"At the edge of town, on the left side of the road, stands the large inn 'Weisser Krug' ... In the farmyard further

down the road stood a cart, to which four naked women were nailed through their hands in a cruciform

position. Behind the Weisser Krug towards Gumbinnen is a square with a monument to the Unknown Soldier.

Beyond is another large inn, 'Roter Krug'. Near it, parallel to the road, stood a barn and to each of its two doors

a naked woman was nailed through the hands, in a crucified posture. In the dwellings, we found a total of

seventy-two women, including children, and one old man, 74, all dead ... all murdered in a bestial manner, except

only for a few who had bullet holes in their necks. Some babies had their heads bashed in. In one room we

found a woman, 84 years old, sitting on a sofa ... half of whose head had been sheared off with an axe or a spade

... We carried the corpses to the village cemetary where they lay to await a foreign medical commission ...

In the meantime, a nurse from Insterburg came, a native of Nemmersdorf, who looked for her parents. Among the

corpses were her mother, 72, and her father, 74, the only man among the dead. She also established that all the dead

were Nemmersdorfers. On the fourth day the bodies were buried in two graves. Only on the following day did the

medical commission arrive, and the tombs had to be reopened. Barn doors were set on blocks on which to lay the

bodies so that the commission could examine them. This foreign commission unanimously established that all the

women, as well as the girls from eight to twelve years and even the woman of 84 years had been raped.

After the examination by the commission, the bodies were again buried."
- Karl Potrek's report, a civilian from the capital city of Knigsberg, recruited into the Volksturm.

"They were all exhausted and starved and miserable ... A child only half alive ... A woman in the most terrible

picture of despair I've seen ... Even when you see it, it's impossible to believe ... God it was terrible."
- Robert Allen, Letter from Berlin, Reading magazine (February, 1946)

"When we reached Metgethen, we were confronted with a gruesome sight: We found several hundred dead

German soldiers, many of whom had been disfigured beyond recognition. There were murdered civilians

in just about every home, likewise disfigured in a most bestial manner. For example, some women had their

breasts cut off, and in backyard gardens we found scarcely clad women who had been hanged upside down.

In one house we came across a 63-year-old woman still alive. Crying, she told us that she had been raped by

12 to 15 Russians. She lay on the floor covered in blood. This old woman's daughter had escaped into the forest

nearby, but her one-year-old child was abducted by the Russians. In the streets of Metgethen, and also at the

railroad station, we found approximately15 baby carriages, some overturned, all empty.

We concluded that this meant the Russians had also abducted these babies."
- Horst A., at the time a driver for the Intelligence Reserve Detachment I, Knigsberg.

 

 

 

 

 

Jews

 

 

"Its our task to mercilessly declare war to Germany, the public enemy number one."
- Bernhard Lecache, President of the Jewish World League (9. November 1938)

"Our Jewish interests demand the final destruction of Germany."
- W. Jabotinski, founder of "Irgun Zwai Leumi" (January 1934)

"Hitler doesnt want war but he will be forced to it, and in

fact soon. England has the final say like in 1914."
- Zionist Emil Ludwig Cohn "Annalen"

"Although Hitler may want to prevent this war, which can devour

him, in the last moment, he will be forced to war anyway."
- Emil Ludwig Cohn (1938)

"I asked Joe Kennedy (US embassador in London) about his talks with Roosevelt and N. Chamberlain in 1938.

He said it had been Chamberlains belief in 1939 that Great Britain has nothing in its hands to fight and therefore

wouldnt dare to go to war against Hitler...Neither the French nor the English would have made Poland a motive

for war if they hadnt been continuously spurred on by Washington...America and the World-Jewry have driven England to war."
- US defence minister J. Forrestal 27.12.1945 in his diary (The Forrestal Diaries, New York, 1951, S. 121 ff)

"We managed to drag the United States into the First World War and if they (the US) do what we demand in

regards to Palestine and the Jewish armed forces, then we can get the Jews in the USA to drag the United States into this one

(the Second World War) too."
- Weizmann to Churchill (September 1941)

"We won this war with atrocity propaganda...and now we will start more than ever! We will continue this atrocity

propaganda, we will increase it until nobody will accept one good word from the Germans anymore, until everything

is destroyed which might have upheld them sympathies in other countries, and until they will be so confused that

they dont know what to do anymore. When this is reached, when they begin to pollute their own nest, and this not

reluctantly but with hasty willingness to obey the winners, only then the victory is complete. It will never be

definite. The reeducation demands thorough, steadfast nurture like English lawn. Only one moment

of inattention and the weed will break through, this ineradicable weed of historic truth."
- Sefton Delmer, former British chief propagandist after the capitulation in 1945

to the German expert on international law Prof. Grimm.

"When the National Socialists and their friends cry or whisper that

this [the war] is brought about by Jews, they are perfectly right."
- The Jewish magazine Sentinel of Chicago (8 October 1940)

"For months now the struggle against Germany is waged by each Jewish community at each conference in

all our syndicates and by each Jew all over the world. There is reason to believe that our part in this struggle

has general value. We will start a spiritual and material war of all the world against Germany's ambitions to

become once again a great nation, to recover lost territories and colonies. But our Jewish interests demand

Germany's total destruction, collectively and individually. The German nation is a threat to us Jews."
- Vladimir Jabotinsky, founder of the Irgun Zvai Leumi terrorist organisation, Mascha Rjetach(January 1934)

"Even if Hitler at the last moment would want to avoid war which would

destroy him he will, in spite of his wishes, be compelled to wage war."
- Emil Ludwig Cohen in his book The New Holy Alliance( Strasburg, 1938)

"It is our task to organise the moral and cultural blockade of Germany

and disperse this nation. It is up to us to start a merciless war."
- Bernard Lechache in The Right to Live (December 1938)

"The millions of Jews living in America, England, France, North Africa and South, not forgetting Palestine,

have decided to carry on the war in Germany to the very end. It is to be a war of extermination."
- 'The Jewish newspaper Central Blad Voor Israeliten in Nederlands (13 September 1939)

"It was the World Jewish Congress that saw to it that the Nuremberg Trials were held, for which it supplied

experienced advice and most valuable evidence - and it was the World Jewish Congress that had such far-reaching

connections during the war that these extended even into the German Foreign Office,

and that it received information even long before the British Secret Service received it."
- Maurice Perlzweig, Chief of the British Section of the World Jewish Congress, said in an address in Langside Hall

in London on November27, 1949, Jewish Chronicle, London (December 16, 1949. Quoted in: UN, 8/83 p. 4.)

"The Jewish World Congress has been at perpetual war with Germany for seven years."
- Maurice Perlzweig, Chief of the British Section of the World Jewish Congress, February 26, 1940, in an

address according to the Toronto Evening Telegram, quoted by Dr. Hans Riegelmann in: UN, 8/83, p. 4.

"The Israeli people around the world declare economic and financial war against Germany. Fourteen million

Jews stand together as one man, to declare war against Germany. The Jewish wholesaler will forsake his firm,

the banker his stock exchange, the merchant his commerce and the pauper his pitiful shed in order to join together

in a holy war against Hitler's people."
- Daily Express (March 24, 1933)

"Each of you, Jew and Gentile alike, who has not already enlisted in this sacred war should do so now and

here. It is not sufficient that you should buy no goods made in Germany. You must refuse to deal with any

merchant or shopkeeper who sells any German-made goods or who patronises German ships or shipping....

we will undermine the Hitler regime and bring the German people to their senses by destroying their export trade on which

their very existence depends."
- Samuel Undermeyer, in a Radio Broadcast on WABC, New York (August 6, 1933,

reported in the New York Times, August 7, 1933)

"Joining with Samuel Untermeyer in calling for a war against Germany, Bernard Baruch, at the same time, was

promoting preparations for war against Germany. 'I emphasised that the defeat of Germany and Japan and their

elimination from world trade would give Britain a tremendous opportunity to swell her foreign commerce in both volume and profit.'"
- Baruch, The Public Years, by Bernard M. Baruch (p.347)

[Samuel Untermeyer was a Jewish leader and close friend of presidents Wilson and Roosevelt.

Bernard Baruch was a presidential adviser to Wilson, Roosevelt and Truman.]

"This declaration called the war against Germany, which was now determined on, a 'holy war'.

This war was to be carried out against Germany to its conclusion, to her destruction".
- Dr. Franz J. Scheidl, Geschichte der Verfemung Deutschlands

"War in Europe in 1934 was inevitable."
- H. Morgenthau, Secretary of the U.S. Treasury, Hearst Press, September, 1933 (also quoted in The Palestine Plot by B. Jenson, p. 11).

"For months now the struggle against Germany is waged by each Jewish community, at each conference,

in all our syndicates, and by each Jew all over the world. There is reason to believe that our part in this struggle

has general value. We will trigger a spiritual and material war of all the world against Germany's ambitions to

become once again a great nation, to recover lost territories and colonies. But our Jewish interests demand

the complete destruction of Germany. Collectively and individually, the German nation is a threat to us Jews."
- Vladimir Jabotinsky (founder of the Jewish terrorist group, Irgun Zvai Leumi) in Mascha Rjetsch, January, 1934

(also quoted in Histoire de l'Arme Allemande by Jacques Benoist-Mechin, Vol. IV, p. 303).

"Hitler will have no war (does not want war), but we will force it on him, not this year, but soon."
- Emil Ludwig Cohn in Les Annales, June, 1934 (also quoted in his book The New Holy Alliance).

"We Jews are going to bring a war on Germany."
- David A. Brown, National Chairman, United Jewish Campaign, 1934 (quoted in I Testify Against The Jews

by Robert Edward Edmondson, page 188 and The Jewish War of Survival by Arnold Leese, page 52)

"We want to bring about a deep hatred for the Germans, for German

soldiers, sailors, and airmen. We must hate until we win."
- Lord Beaverbrook, quoted in Niemals! by Heinrich Goitsch.

"There is only one power which really counts. The power of political pressure. We Jews are

the most powerful people on earth, because we have this power, and we know how to apply it."
- Vladimir Jabotinsky in Jewish Daily Bulletin (July 27, 1935)

"Before the end of the year, an economic bloc of England, Russia, France and the U.S.A

will be formed to bring the German and Italian economic systems to their knees."
- Paul Dreyfus, La Vie de Tanger (May 15, 1938)

"On the 3rd of June, 1938, the American Hebrew boasted that they had Jews in the foremost positions of influence

in Britain, Russia and France, and that these "three sons of Israel will be sending the Nazi dictator to hell."
- Joseph Trimble, The American Hebrew.

"Germany is our public enemy number one. It is our object to declare war

without mercy against her. One may be sure of this: We will lead that war!"
- Bernard Lecache, the president of the "International League Against Racism and

Anti-Semitism," in its newspaper Droit de Vivre (Right to Life) (9 November, 1938)

"The war now proposed is for the purpose of establishing Jewish hegemony throughout the world."
- Brigadier General George Van Horn Mosely, The New York Tribune (March 29, 1939)

"I wish to confirm in the most explicit manner, the declaration which I and my colleagues made during the

last months, and especially in the last week: that the Jews "stand by Great Britain and will fight on the side

of the democracies." Our urgent desire is to give effect to these declarations. We wish to do so in a way entirely

consonant with the general scheme of British action, and therefore would place ourselves, in matters big and

small, under the co-ordinating direction of His Majesty's Government. The Jewish Agency is ready

to enter into immediate arrangements for utilizing Jewish manpower, technical ability, resources, etc."
- Chaim Weizmann, President of the World Jewish Congress, Head of the Jewish Agency and later President of Israel,

the London Times, September 5, 1939, and the London Jewish Chronicle, September 8, 1939.

"The millions of Jews who live in America, England and France, North and South Africa, and, not to

forget those in Palestine, are determined to bring the war of annihilation against Germany to its final end."
- Central Blad Voor Israeliten in Nederland (September 13, 1939)

"Stop talking about peace conditions! Break Germany in pieces!"
- The Daily Herald, No.7426 (9 December, 1939)

"The Jews, taken collectively, view this war as a holy war."
- The Daily Herald, No.7450, 1939, quoted in Reichstagsbrand, Au**lrung einer historischen Legende,

by U. Backes, K.H.Janen, E.Jesse, H.Khler, H.Mommsen, E.Tobias.

"Even if we Jews are not physically at your side in the trenches,

we are morally with you. This war is our war and you fight it with us."
- Schalom Asch, Les Nouvelles Litteraires (February 10, 1940)

"In losing Germany, Jewry lost a territory from which it exerted power.

Therefore it was determined to reconquer it."
- Louis Marschalko, The World Conquerors : The Real War Criminals

"The World Jewish Congress has been at war with Germany for seven years."
- Rabbi M. Perlzweig (head of the British Section of the World Jewish Congress),

Toronto Evening Telegram (February 26, 1940)

"The Second World War is being fought for the defense of the fundamentals of Judaism."
- Rabbi Felix Mendlesohn, Chicago Sentinel (October 8, 1942)

"We are not denying and are not afraid to confess that this war is our war and that it is waged for the liberation of Jewry...

Stronger than all fronts together is our front, that of Jewry. We are not only giving this war our financial support

on which the entire war production is based, we are not only providing our full propaganda power which is the

moral energy that keeps this war going. The guarantee of victory is predominantly based on weakening the enemy forces,

on destroying them in their own country, within the resistance. And we are the Trojan horses in the enemy's fortress.

Thousands of Jews living in Europe constitute the principal factor in the destruction of our enemy.

There, our front is a fact and the most valuable aid for victory."
- Chaim Weizmann, President of the World Jewish Congress, Head of the Jewish Agency

and later President of Israel, in a Speech on December3, 1942, in New York.

"It is untrue that I or anyone else in Germany wanted war in 1939. It was wanted and provoked solely by international

statesmen either of Jewish origin or working for Jewish interests. Nor had I ever wished that after the

appalling first World War, there would ever be a second against either England or America."
- Adolf Hitler (April 1945)

"Played golf with Joe Kennedy (U.S. Ambassador to Britain). He says that Chamberlain

stated that America and world Jewry forced England into World War II."
- James Forrestal, Secretary of the Navy (later Secretary of Defense), Diary, December 27, 1945 entry.

Addenda= Diaries of James V. Forrestal, 1944-1949, Secretary of the Navy, 1944-1947, and First Secretary of Defence, 1947-1949

Complete and unexpurgated diaries from the Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library, Princeton University.

Author: James Forrestal; Seeley G. Mudd Manuscript Library.; Adam Matthew Publications.

Publisher: Marlborough [Wilts., Eng.] : Adam Matthew, 2001.

Edition/Format: Article : Microfilm : Master microform : English : View all editions and formats

'Judea declares War on Germany.' - Daily Express (March 24, 1934) >> Four Winds 10 - Truth Winds

8 Pics: WW2 Photos Faked to pretend Germans were committing atrocities!

[Here are some interesting photos I found on a blog that was dealing with Stalin’s Torch-men Order. In those days they did not have digital editing of photos like we have. I don’t know the exact techniques they used. But they were able to use parts of photos. Perhaps they cut parts out of photos and could then develop them together to make them appear as one photo? That seems to be the method employed.

Some of these photos are very obvious nonsense like the attempt to show someone being hung from the gun of a tank. Look at these examples below.

 

This is no different to the lies told about us whites in Africa by the Jews/Blacks/Communists/Liberals; except in the case of WW2 Germany, they went a LOT FURTHER! Jan]

 

If the Jewish Bolsheviks were purposely sacrificing people in these ways, to create anti-German propaganda, there is no doubt they would have photographed these horrors, to drive the message home.
No doubt, from this time originate the “famous” atrocity Photos of mass-executions which are the favourites in the press.

Furthermore, this does not align with the Official ‘Holocaust’ narrative, of the Germans going to great extent to conceal their crimes by burning records and millions of bodies, which is one of the excuses as to why the Allies could not find any evidence to the purported mass gassings of internees. The ‘Official’ narrative would have us believe that the Germans (in the middle of war) hunted through millions of documents to dispose of records by burning them, but leave hundreds of incriminating photographs accessible for the world to see?

 

Additionally, the single shot to the back of the neck/head, was the method and training of the Cheka and NKVD, for singular executions.

 

The fear and hate hysteria created from imagery, was not just limited to performing in front of the camera… simply manipulating the imagery by superimposing over innocent photo’s for the desired effect, was also utilised… here is just a small example of many.

 

They Did It To Eastern Europe And Germany And They Will Do It To You Next.

What “we” did to Germany, during and after World War Two, was of such bestiality and horror, that it beggars belief, that seventy years on, the only feature of that war, a war which Germany was forced to fight, which is still discussed, is the unproven claims of crimes against Jews,  the very people whom called for the total annihilation of the German people.

This continuing propaganda is used to distract us from the savagery of their own behaviour against civilians all across the region. All of the barbarity of which they accuse the Germans should be laid, where it belongs, at their door.

General Eisenhower, the beast who would soon be the President of the United States, at the opening of the Ruhr drive declared. “Our primary purpose is the destruction of as many Germans as possible. I expect to destroy every German west of the Rhine and within that area in which we are attacking.” Eisenhower, the Swedish Jew, having raped, robbed and destroyed his way across France and Germany, then went on to starve one and a half million German Prisoners of War to death in his Rhine Meadows Death Camps.

The Jew trio of Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin, did then at Yalta, condemn millions of the people, of Eastern Europe to a life under the control of the mass murdering Jew, Joseph Stalin, under whose orders untold millions of Christians were brutally tortured and murdered.

In 1933, the declared aim of International Jewry, was the mass murder of the German people, every man, woman and child, for daring to break free from the stranglehold of the Jew controlled, international banking system.

In order to disguise this truth, a tsunami of propaganda had to be unleashed, which was directed against the German victims of those Jews, which turned reality on its head, condemning the German people to be accused and found guilty, of things, which even had they been true, were as nothing compared with what the Jews did to the Germans.

It is now common knowledge, that Jew Bankers funded a coup d’etat in Russia, followed by the incredibly brutal slaughter of sixty-five million Christians, which included the starvation of millions in Ukraine, the Holodomor.

Two decades later these same Jews were initiating a war against Germany, having already laid out their intention to wipe Germany off the face of the earth, by whatever means necessary. In the middle of this slaughter of the Germans, when they had managed to murder a mere twenty-million poor souls, the Jew Morgenthau’s Plan, to murder them all, had to be called off, due to International repulsion at what was going on. As was the City of London Jew’s attempt to starve the Irish to death, when shiploads of supplies arrived from America.

The Jews then claimed to have themselves suffered during this cold-blooded war against the Germans. No shit? Suffering which in the main was due to ‘starvation’ – which is of course the Jews own favourite weapon,- as a result of the murderous bombing of food convoys, which were bringing supplies to the Camps, attacks which were carried out by the Jews own allies and disease, mainly Typhus. Most children now believe that the war was declared to stop Hitler from killing Jews, such is the power of propaganda and the lies of those Jews.

“All German cities above 50,000 population and many smaller ones were from 50 to 80 per cent destroyed. Dresden, as large as Pittsburgh, was wiped out and nearly all of its 620,000 inhabitants buried under the ruins.”

 

The British, whom to this day congratulate themselves for having fought the “Good War,” when in view of what they did to the German people, they should be down on their knees, begging forgiveness for having been duped into an illegal war for the Jews, they instead, to this day, vilify their victims the ‘Krauts’ mainly of course in their Jew controlled media newspapers, hiding the hate speech under the excuse of a football match.

“Hamburg, with its 1,150,000 people, was blasted by huge attacks, in one of which the flames rolled a mile into the sky and roasted alive hundreds of thousands of civilians in street temperatures of a thousand degrees.”

 

The British still celebrate their glorious victory, without regard for the bloodshed involved, while still praising the way they coped with the minuscule bombardment of London, which they call the ‘Blitz,’ and the attack on Coventry, when Churchill left the people to die, under the bombs, when he had known the raid was coming.

“So, on April 4, 1945, Kassel (a town which was bombed on dozens of occasions)surrendered, not more than 15,000 of its 250,000 still in the city and living. Thousands lay buried under the countless tons of brick and mortar and twisted steel that had been dwellings and stores and factories.

 

“That was a year ago and it’s no exaggeration to say that they are still dazed. Only a few have snapped out of their stupor to become real leaders. It is not uncommon to see a person burst into helpless tears, if the conversation turns to recounting the war”(unnamed journalist)

 

The British and their allies, are now using the same scorched earth policy, across the Middle East, where they are now employing the same terror tactics, this time crouching behind the same Commissars, now calling themselves ISIS, using the same terror tactics which served during the invasion of Germany, rape, crucifixion, torture and beheadings, which, had they been given the chance, would have massacred the German people out of existence. The aim now is in order to reduce the population of the Middle East, to satisfy the dark desires of Israel.

The same thing was done to the ethnic Germans in Eastern Europe, which created the greatest mass expulsion of people in history. This was when ‘hostilities ended’ for the rest of us maybe, but not for the Jews in Soviet Russia, whom carried on their ‘Bitter Harvest’ against White Christians, in all of the States which they had grabbed as ‘booty’ at Yalta.

So dear readers, what is going on in the Middle East today, can be traced all the way back to the shenanigans after the Great War, the Russian coup d’etat, the downfall of the Ottoman Empire, the dismantling of the Austro Hungarian Empire, and the handing over of an already populated Palestine into the hands of the Jews. The next step in this grisly history is the installation of Greater Israel and then The New World Order, which will insist on a mass genocide i.e. according to their own scribblings, they would prefer there to be no more than five-hundred-millions of us.This genocide will include the ‘good Jews’ and there are many of them, along with the rest of us. We are all in it together.

 _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Let's begin here, In case you did not know:

 

 

                                             The Starving of Germany in 1919

Posted on August 2, 2017 by Angelo Paratico

Tags: Germany's blockade, starving, Versailles Treaty

 

I first read about the starvation of Germans at the end of WWI in a book written by British historian Clive Ponting, he reported that close to 900.000 Germans died of starvation in 1918 and 1919.

The “starvation policy” had begun in 1914. Winston Churchill, then First Lord of the Admiralty and one of the framers of the scheme, admitted that it was aimed at “starving the whole population — men, women, and children, old and young, wounded and sound — into submission.”

Such British policy was in contravention of international law on two major points.

 

First, in regard to the character of the blockade, it violated the Declaration of Paris of 1856, which Britain itself had signed, and which, among other things, permitted “close” but not “distant” blockades. A belligerent was allowed to station ships near the three-mile limit to stop traffic with an enemy’s ports; it was not allowed simply to declare areas of the high seas comprising the approaches to the enemy’s coast to be off-limits.

The second point is related to contraband. Briefly, following the lead of the Hague Conference of 1907, the Declaration of London of 1909 considered food to be “conditional contraband,” that is, subject to interception and capture only when intended for the use of the enemy’s military forces.

In December 1918, the National Health Office in Berlin calculated that 763,000 persons had already died as a result of the blockade by that time. In some respects, the armistice saw the intensification of the suffering, since the German Baltic coast was now effectively blockaded and German fishing rights in the Baltic annulled.

 

The reason for the food blockade to be kept in place after the end of the hostilities was aimed at forcing Germany to sign the Versailles Treaty without any change on the strict conditions they were imposing. Today no one remembers it because it was kept secret and there were no leaks to the western press while 900,000 German men, women and children died because of the British naval blockade. Even today only a few non-Germans know the truth and American and British historians, seems to have brushed off this most appalling crime as a footnote in history.

 

Even the founder of the Boy Scouts, Robert Baden-Powell, naively expressed his satisfaction that the German race is being ruined; though the birth rate.

 

Although the war had ended in November 1918, Germany was still under Allied blockade, which was ruthlessly enforced. The first state of Germany to benefit from a lifting of the blockade would be communist-controlled Bavaria.

One must search diligently for historical references to the continued, devastating blockade. Diether Raff confirms the peace-time blockade in his “A History of Germany – From the Medieval Empire to the Present”:

 

“The Allied peace terms turned out to be extremely severe, far exceeding the worst fears of the German government… The peace treaties of Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest were declared invalid and the food blockade around Germany was to continue… Thus Germany’s capitulation was accomplished and an end set to four years of enormous bloodshed.

 

“It was the blockade that finally drove the Central Powers to accept defeat,” says Richard Hoveth in his study of the struggle on the high seas during World War I: “At first mild in its application, the blockade’s noose gradually tightened until, with the American entry, all restraint was cast aside. Increasingly deprived of the means to wage war, or even to feed her population, the violent response was insurrection; apathy and demoralization the mute consequence of dashed hopes and thin potato soup.”

Basil Liddell Hart is quoted by Hoveth to the effect that, revolution and internal unrest notwithstanding, the blockade was “clearly the decisive agency in the struggle.”
After confiscating the German merchant navy, the Allies proceeded to confiscate German private property all over the world, contrary to all precedent from previous wars when private property had been held in escrow until the ratification of peace treaties, when it would revert to its legitimate owners.

The Allied powers reserved the right to keep or dispose of assets belonging to German citizens, including companies they control [Article 167 B]. This wholesale expropriation would take place without any compensation to the owners [Articles 121 and 279 B].

 

But Germany remained responsible for the liabilities and loans on the assets that were taken from them. Profits, however, remained in the hands of the Allies. Thus, private German property and assets were confiscated in China (Articles 129 and 132), Thailand (Articles 135-137), Egypt (Article 148), Liberia (Articles 135-140) and in many other countries.
Germany was also precluded from investing capital in any neighboring country and had to forfeit all rights “to whatever title it may possess in these countries.

The Allies were given free access to the German marketplace without the slightest tariff while products made in Germany faced high foreign tariff barriers. Articles 264 to 267 established that Germany “undertakes to give the Allies and their associates the status of most favored nations for five years.

Germany was already experiencing near famine conditions but it was at this moment that the Allies decided to confiscate a substantial part of what was left of Germany’s livestock. The American representative at Versailles, Thomas Lamont, recorded the event with some indignation:

 

“The Germans were made to deliver cattle, horses, sheep, goats, etc.,… A strong protest came from Germany when dairy cows were taken to France and Belgium, thus depriving German children of milk.”

 

Herbert Hoover, a mining engineer and future president of the United States – in 1900 defended Tianjin from the assaults of the Boxer – was sent on a mission to help the starving population but he could do very little because of the fury of the French and the British.  Shipments had been delivered to Allies and to neutrals, but British officials had refused to break their blockade to let cargoes go into Germany. Moreover, Germany had failed to act on an agreement to turn over merchant ships before receiving food [eventually forced on the Weimar government and showed no desire to pay for shipments in gold – a possibility that French financiers were thought to be opposing so that their nation might get what gold there was as indemnity.

 

There is evidence that Wilson actually thought the European powers would accept his 14 Points” and feed starving Germans now that the war was over but, of course, that was not the case as discovered by Wilson’s humanitarian point man, Hoover. England’s Prime Minister, Lloyd George, meanwhile, thought that the starvation was being ameliorated. He favored – although quietly – feeding his ex-enemy.

 

In early March 1919, General Herbert Plumer, commander of the British Army of Occupation, informed Prime Minister Lloyd George that his men were begging to be sent home; they could no longer stand the sight of “hordes of skinny and bloated children pawing over the offal from the British camps”.

 

Finally, the Americans and British overpowered French objections and at the end of March, the first food shipments began arriving in Hamburg. But it was only in July, after the formal German signature to the Treaty of Versailles, that the Germans were permitted to import raw materials and export manufactured goods.

 

On May 7 of that year, Count von Brockdorf-Rantzau had indignantly referred to this fact in addressing the Versailles assembly:”The hundreds of thousands of noncombatants,” the German chief delegate had stated, “who have perished since November 11, 1918, as a result of the blockade, were killed with cold deliberation, after our enemies had been assured of their complete victory.”

The food blockade ended on July 12, 1919.

 

Besides the direct effects of the British blockade, there are the possible indirect and much more sinister effects to consider. A German child who was ten years old in 1918, and who survived, was twenty-two in 1930. Vincent raises the question of whether the miseries and suffering from hunger in the early, formative years help account to some degree for the enthusiasm of German youth for Nazism later on.

 

 

Incredibly, the last cheque covering reparations for WW1 was issued by Angela Merkel in 2010.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Who Financed Hitler and Why ?

Economist Henry C K Liu writes of Germany's remarkable transformation:

 

The Nazis came to power in 1933 when the German economy was in total collapse, with ruinous war-reparation obligations and zero prospects for foreign investment or credit. Through an independent monetary policy of sovereign credit and a full-employment public-works program, the Third Reich was able to turn a bankrupt Germany, stripped of overseas colonies, into the strongest economy in Europe within four years, even before armament spending began.” (Henry C. K. Liu, "Nazism and the German Economic Miracle," Asia Times (May 24, 2005).

 

In Billions for the Bankers, Debts for the People (1984), Sheldon Emry commented: “Germany issued debt-free and interest-free money from 1935 on, which accounts for Germany’s startling rise from the depression to a world power in five years. The German government financed its entire operations from 1935 to 1945 without gold, and without debt. It took the entire Capitalist and Communist world to destroy the German revolution, and bring Europe back under the heel of the Bankers.”

 

These facts do not appear in any textbooks today, since Jews own most publishing companies. What does appear is the disastrous runaway inflation suffered in 1923 by the Weimar Republic, which governed Germany from 1919 to 1933. Today’s textbooks use this inflation to twist truth into its opposite. They cite the radical devaluation of the German mark as an example of what goes wrong when governments print their own money, rather than borrow it from private cartels. In reality, the Weimar financial crisis began with the impossible reparations payments imposed at the Treaty of Versailles.

 

Hjalmar Schacht ~ the Rothschild agent who was currency commissioner for the Republic before being dismissed when Hitler realized what he was up to~ opposed letting the German government print its own money. Schacht echoed the textbook lie that Weimar inflation was caused when the German government printed its own money. However, in his 1967 book The Magic of Money, Schacht let the cat out of the bag by revealing that it was the PRIVATELY-OWNED Reichsbank, not the German government, that was pumping new currency into the economy. Thus, the PRIVATE BANK caused the Weimar hyper-inflation. Naturally this terrifies the bankers, since it eliminates their powers. It also terrifies Jews, since their control of banking allows them to buy the media, the government, and everything else.

 

Therefore, to those who delight in saying “Jews financed Hitler,” I ask that they please look at all the facts. Prescott Bush and others including Henry Ford made donations to help finance Hitler. Some did it because they simply had political sympathies for Hitler. Others had a different agenda, namely they saw in Hitler a strongman who would rebuild a strong Germany which was needed for the well planned second world war. All that was needed after Hitler got into power and nationalized the German economic system and built a prosperous nation, was to get Hitler to take the bait. Jewish NKVD squads organized a massive ethnic cleansing in the former German states ceded to Poland 20 years earlier, killing tens of thousands of Germans in the preceding weeks, deliberately provoking the 1st September 1939 German attack to stop the massacre of Germans in the former German states in Poland. Have you ever wondered why France and England declared war on Germany for the well deserved German attack on Poland, but not on the Soviet Union when it also attacked and occupied most of Poland ?

 

 

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Germany's enemies maintain today (1940) that Adolf Hitler is the greatest disturber of peace known to history, that he threatens every nation with sudden attack and oppression. 

That he has created a terrible war machine in order to cause trouble and devastation all around him. At the same time they intentionally conceal an all-important fact: they themselves drove the Leader of the German people finally to draw the sword. 

They themselves compelled him to seek to obtain at last by the use of force that which he had been striving to gain by persuasion from the beginning: the security of his country.

They did this not only by declaring war on him on September 3, 1939, but also by blocking step for step for seven years the path to any peaceful discussion.

The attempts repeatedly made by Adolf Hitler to induce the governments of other states to collaborate with him in a reconstruction of Europe resemble an ever-recurring pattern in his conduct since the commencement of his labors for the German Reich. But these attempts were wrecked every time by reason of the fact that nowhere was there any willingness to give them due consideration, because the evil spirit of the Great War still prevailed everywhere, because in London and Paris and in the capitals of the Western Powers' vassal states there was only one fixed intention: to perpetuate the power of Versailles.

A rapid glance at the most important events will furnish incontrovertible proof for this statement.

When Adolf Hitler came to the fore, Germany was as gagged and as helpless as the victors of 1918 wanted her to be. Completely disarmed, with an army of only 100,000 men intended solely for police duties within the country, she found herself within a tightly closed ring of neighbors all armed to the teeth and leagued together. To the old enemies in the West, Britain, Belgium and France, new ones were artificially created and added in the East and the South: above all Poland and Czechoslovakia. A quarter of the population of Germany were forcibly torn away from their mother country and handed over to foreign powers. The Reich, mutilated on all sides and robbed of every means of defense, at any moment could become the helpless victim of some rapacious neighbor.

Then it was that Adolf Hitler for the first time made his appeal to the common sense of the other powers. On May 17, 1933, a few months after his appointment to the office of Reichskanzler, he delivered a speech in the German Reichstag, from which we extract the following passages:

    "Germany will be perfectly ready to disband her entire military establishment and destroy the small amount of arms remaining to her, if the neighboring countries will do the same thing with equal thoroughness.

    ... Germany is entirely ready to renounce aggressive weapons of every sort if the armed nations, on their part, will destroy their aggressive weapons within a specified period, and if their use is forbidden by an international convention.

    ... Germany is at all times prepared to renounce offensive weapons if the rest of the world does the same. Germany is prepared to agree to any solemn pact of non-aggression because she does not think of attacking anybody but only of acquiring security."

No answer was received.

Without paying any heed the others continued to fill their arsenals with weapons, to pile up their stores of explosives, to increase the numbers of their troops. At the same time the League of Nations, the instrument of the victorious powers, declared that Germany must first pass through a period of "probation" before it would be possible to discuss with her the question of the disarmament of the other countries. On October 14, 1933, Hitler broke away from this League of Nations with which it was impossible to come to any agreement. Shortly afterwards, however, on December 18, 1933, he came forward with a new proposal for the improvement of international relations. This proposal included the following six points:

    "1. Germany receives full equality of rights.

    2. The fully armed States undertake amongst themselves not to increase their armaments beyond their present level.

    3. Germany adheres to this agreement, freely undertaking to make only so much actual moderate use of the equality of rights granted to her as will not represent a threat to the security of any other European power.

    [3] 4. All States recognize certain obligations in regard to conducting war on humane principles, or to the elimination of certain weapons for use against the civilian population.

    5. All States accept a uniform general control which will watch over and ensure the observance of these obligations.

    6. The European nations guarantee one another the unconditional maintenance of peace by the conclusion of non-aggression pacts, to be renewed after ten years."

Following upon this a proposal was made to increase the strength of the German army to 300,000 men, corresponding to the strength required by Germany "having regard to the length of her frontiers and the size of the armies of her neighbors", in order to protect her threatened territory against attacks. The defender of the principle of peaceable agreement was thus trying to accommodate himself to the unwillingness of the others to disarm by expressing a desire for a limited increase of armaments for his own country. An exchange of notes, starting from this and continuing for years, finally came to a sudden end with an unequivocal "no" from France. This "no" was moreover accompanied by tremendous increases in the armed forces of France, Britain and Russia.


In this way Germany's position became still worse than before. The danger to the Reich was so great that Adolf Hitler felt himself compelled to act. On March 16, 1935, he reintroduced conscription. But in direct connection with this measure he once more announced an offer of agreements of an extensive nature, the purpose of which was to ensure that any future war would be conducted on humane principles, in fact to make such a war practically impossible by eliminating destructive armaments. In his speech of May 21, 1935, he declared:

    "The German Government is ready to take an active part in all efforts which may lead to a practical limitation of armaments. It regards a return to the former idea of the Geneva Red Cross Convention as the only possible way to achieve this. It believes that at first there will be only the possibility of a gradual abolition and outlawry of weapons and methods of warfare which are essentially contrary to the Geneva Red Cross Convention which is still valid.

    Just as the use of dumdum bullets was once forbidden and, on the whole, thereby prevented in practice, so the use of other definite arms should be forbidden and prevented. Here the German Govern- [4] ment has in mind all those arms which bring death and destruction not so much to the fighting soldiers as to non-combatant women and children.

    The German Government considers as erroneous and ineffective the idea to do away with aeroplanes while leaving the question of bombing open. But it believes it possible to proscribe the use of certain arms as contrary to international law and to excommunicate those nations which still use them from the community of mankind, its rights and its laws.

    It also believes that gradual progress is the best way to success. For example, there might be prohibition of the dropping of gas, incendiary and explosive bombs outside the real battle zone. This limitation could then be extended to complete international outlawry of all bombing. But so long as bombing as such is permitted, any limitation of the number of bombing planes is questionable in view of the possibility of rapid substitution.

    Should bombing as such be branded as a barbarity contrary to international law, the construction of bombing aeroplanes will soon be abandoned as superfluous and of no purpose. If, through the Geneva Red Cross Convention, it turned out possible as a matter of fact to prevent the killing of a defenseless wounded man or prisoner, it ought to be equally possible to forbid, by an analogous convention, and finally to stop, the bombing of equally defenseless civilian populations.

    In such a fundamental way of dealing with the problem, Germany sees a greater reassurance and security for the nations than in all pacts of assistance and military conventions.

    The German Government is ready to agree to any limitation which leads to abolition of the heaviest arms, especially suited for aggression. Such are, first, the heaviest artillery, and, secondly, the heaviest tanks. In view of the enormous fortifications on the French frontier such international abolition of the heaviest weapons of attack would ipso facto give France 100 per cent security.

    Germany declares herself ready to agree to any limitation whatsoever of the calibre-strength of artillery, battleships, cruisers and torpedo boats. In like manner the German Government is ready to accept any international limitation of the size of warships. And finally it is ready to agree to limitation of tonnage for submarines, or to their complete abolition in case of international agreement.

    [5] And it gives the further assurance that it will agree to any international limitation or abolition of arms whatsoever for a uniform space of time."

This time again Hitler's declarations did not find the slightest response. On the contrary, France made an alliance with Russia in order to increase her preponderating influence on the Continent still further, and to augment to a gigantic degree the pressure on Germany from the East.


In view of the evident destructive intentions of his opponents, Adolf Hitler was therefore obliged to take new measures to ensure the safety of the German Reich. On March 3, 1936, he occupied the Rhineland, which had been without military protection since Versailles, and thus closed the wide gate through which the Western neighbor could carry out an invasion. Once again he followed the defensive step which he had been obliged to take with a liberal appeal for general reconciliation and for the settlement of all differences. On March 31, 1936, he formulated the following peace plan:

    "1. In order to give to future agreements securing the peace of Europe the character of inviolable treaties, those nations participating in the negotiations do so only on an entirely equal footing and as equally esteemed members. The sole compelling reason for signing these treaties can only lie in the generally recognized and obvious practicability of these agreements for the peace of Europe, and thus for the social happiness and economic prosperity of the nations.

    2. In order to shorten in the economic interest of the European nations the period of uncertainty, the German Government proposes a limit of four months for the first period up to the signing of the pacts of non-aggression guaranteeing the peace of Europe.

    3. The German Government gives the assurance not to add any reinforcements whatsoever to the troops in the Rhineland during this period, always provided that the Belgian and French Governments act in the same way.

    4. The German Government gives the assurance not to move during this period closer to the Belgian and French frontiers the troops at present stationed in the Rhineland.

    5. The German Government proposes the setting up of a commission composed of the two guarantor Powers, Britain and Italy, and a disinterested third neutral power, to guarantee this assurance to be given by both parties.

    [6] 6. Germany, Belgium and France are each entitled to send a representative to this Commission. If Germany, France or Belgium think that for any particular reason they can point to a change in the military situation having taken place within this period of four months, they have the right to inform the Guarantee Commission of their observations.

    7. Germany, Belgium and France declare their willingness in such a case to permit this Commission to make the necessary investigations through the British and Italian military attaches, and to report thereon to the Powers participating.

    8. Germany, Belgium and France give the assurance that they will bestow the fullest consideration to the objections arising therefrom.

    9. Moreover the German Government is willing on a basis of complete reciprocity with Germany's two western neighbors to agree to any military limitations on the German western frontier.

    10. Germany, Belgium and France and the two guarantor Powers agree to enter into negotiations under the leadership of the British Government at once or, at the latest, after the French elections, for the conclusion of a 25-years non-aggression or security pact between France and Belgium on the one hand, and Germany on the other.

    11. Germany agrees that Britain and Italy shall sign this security pact as guarantor Powers once more.

    12. Should special engagements to render military assistance arise as a result of these security agreements, Germany on her part declares her willingness to enter into such engagements.

    13. The German Government hereby repeats its proposal for the conclusion of an air-pact to supplement and consolidate these security agreements.

    14. The German Government repeats that should the Netherlands so desire it is willing to include that country too in this West-European security agreement.

    15. In order to stamp this peace-pact, voluntarily entered into between Germany and France, as the reconciliatory conclusion of a centuries-old dispute, Germany and France pledge themselves to take steps to see that in the education of the young, as well as in the press and publications of both nations, everything shall be avoided which might be calculated to poison the relationship between the two [7] peoples, whether it be a derogatory or contemptuous attitude, or improper interference in the internal affairs of the other country. They agree to set up at the headquarters of the League of Nations at Geneva, a joint commission whose function it shall be to lay all complaints received before the two Governments for information and investigation.

    16. In pursuance of their intention to give this agreement the character of a sacred pledge, Germany and France undertake to ratify it by means of a plebiscite of the two nations.

    17. Germany expresses her willingness, on her part, to establish contact with the states on her south-eastern and north-eastern frontiers, in order to invite them directly to conclude the pacts of non-aggression already proposed.

    18. Germany expresses her willingness to re-enter the League of Nations, either at once, or after the conclusion of these agreements. At the same time, the German Government again expresses as its expectation that, after a reasonable time and by the method of friendly negotiations, the question of colonial equality of rights and that of the separation of the Covenant of the League of Nations from its foundations in the Versailles Treaty will be cleared up.

    19. Germany proposes the setting up of an International Court of Arbitration, which shall be responsible for the observance of the various agreements concluded, and whose decisions shall be binding on all parties.

    After the conclusion of this great work of securing European peace, the German Government considers it urgently necessary to endeavor by practical measures to put a stop to the unlimited competition in armaments. In her opinion this would mean not merely an improvement in the financial and economic position of the nations, but above all a diminution of the psychological tension.

    The German Government, however, has no faith in the attempt to bring about universal settlements, as this would be doomed to failure from the outset, and can therefore be proposed only by those who have no interest in achieving practical results. On the other hand it is of the opinion that the negotiations held and the results achieved in limiting naval armaments should have an instructive and stimulating effect.

    The German Government therefore proposes that future conferences shall have one clearly defined objective.

    [8] For the present, it believes the most important task is to bring aerial warfare into the moral and humane atmosphere of the protection afforded to non-combatants or the wounded by the Geneva Convention. Just as the killing of defenseless wounded, or prisoners, or the use of dumdum bullets, or the waging of submarine warfare without warning, have been either forbidden or regulated by international conventions, so it must be possible for civilized humanity to prevent the senseless abuse of any new type of weapon, without running counter to the object of warfare.

    The German Government therefore puts forward the proposal that the immediate practical tasks of this conference shall be:

    1. Prohibition of dropping gas, poison, or incendiary bombs.

    2. Prohibition of dropping bombs of any kind whatsoever on open towns and villages outside the range of the medium-heavy artillery of the fighting fronts.

    3. Prohibition of the bombarding with long-range guns of towns more than 20 km. distant from the battle zone.

    4. Abolition and prohibition of the construction of tanks of the heaviest type.

    5. Abolition and prohibition of artillery of the heaviest calibre.

    As soon as possibilities for further limitation of armaments emerge from such discussions and agreements, they should be utilized.

    The German Government hereby declares itself prepared to join in every such settlement, in so far as it is valid internationally.

    The German Government believes that if even a first step is made on the road to disarmament, this will be of enormous importance to the relationship between the nations, and to the recovery of confidence, trade and prosperity.

    In accordance with the general desire for the restoration of favorable economic conditions, the German Government is prepared immediately after the conclusion of the political treaties to enter into an exchange of opinions on economic problems with the other nations concerned, in the spirit of the proposals made, and to do all that lies in its power to improve the economic situation in Europe, and the world economic situation which is closely bound up with it.

    [9] The German Government believes that with the peace plan proposed above it has made its contribution to the reconstruction of a new Europe on the basis of reciprocal respect and confidence between sovereign states. Many opportunities for such a pacification of Europe, for which Germany has so often in the last few years made her proposals, have been neglected. May this attempt to achieve European understanding succeed at last!

    The German Government confidently believes that it has opened the way in this direction by submitting the above peace plan."

Anyone who today reads this comprehensive peace plan will realize in what direction the development of Europe, according to the wishes of Adolf Hitler, should really have proceeded. Here was the possibility of truly constructive work, this could have been a real turning-point for the welfare of all nations. But once more he who alone called for peace was not heard. Only Britain replied with a rather scornful questionnaire which avoided any serious consideration of the essential points involved. Incidentally, however, she disclosed her actual intentions by setting herself up as the protector of France and by instituting and commencing regular military staff conversations with the French Republic just as in the period before the Great War.


There could no longer be any doubt now that the Western Powers were following the old path towards an armed conflict and were steadily preparing a new blow against Germany, although Adolf Hitler's whole thoughts and endeavors were directed towards proving to them that he wanted to remain on the best possible terms with them. In the course of the years he had undertaken numerous steps in this direction, of which a few more shall be referred to here. He negotiated the Naval Agreement of June 18, 1935 with Great Britain, which provided that the German Navy should only have a strength of 35% of that of the British Navy. By this he wanted to demonstrate that the Reich, to use his own words, had "neither the intention nor the means, nor was it necessary" to enter into any rivalry as regards naval power, such as had had so fateful an influence on its relations to Great Britain in the well-remembered days before the Great War.

He assured France on every possible occasion of his desire to live at peace with her. He repeatedly renounced in plain terms any claim to Alsace-Lorraine. On the return to the Reich of the Saar territory as the result of the plebiscite, he declared on March 1, 1935:

    [10] "It is our hope that through this act of just compensation, in which we see a return to natural reason, relations between Germany and France have permanently improved. Therefore as we desire peace, we must hope that our great neighbor is ready and willing to seek peace with us. It must be possible for two great people to join together and collaborate in opposing the difficulties which threaten to overwhelm Europe."

He even endeavored to arrive at a better understanding with Poland, the eastern ally of the Western Powers, although this country had unlawfully incorporated millions of Germans in 1919 and had subjected them to the worst oppression ever since. On January 26, 1934, he concluded a non-aggression pact with her in which the two Governments agreed "to settle directly all questions of whatever sort which concern their mutual relations."

Thus on all sides he opposed to the enemy plans his determination to preserve peace and strove to protect Germany in this way. When however he saw that London and Paris were arming for attack, he was once more obliged to undertake fresh measures of defense. The enemy camp, as we have seen above, had been enormously extended through the alliance between France and Russia. In addition to this the two powers had secured a line of communication to the south of the Reich through Czechoslovakia having concluded a treaty with Russia which put her in the position of a bridge between east and west. Czechoslovakia, however, was in control of the high-lying country of Bohemia and Moravia, which Bismarck had called the citadel of Europe, and this citadel projected far into German territory. The threat to Germany thus assumed truly overpowering proportions.

The genius of Adolf Hitler found a way of meeting this danger. The conditions in German Austria, which under the terror of the Schuschnigg Government were tending towards civil war, offered him the opportunity of stepping in to save the situation, and to lead back into the Reich the sister nation to the south-east that had been sentenced by the victorious powers to lead the life of a hopelessly decaying "Free State". After he had thus established himself near the line of communication between France and Russia mentioned above, a process of dissolution set in in the mixed State of Czechoslovakia, which had been artificially put together from the most diverse national elements, until after the liberation of the Sudetenland and the secession of Slovakia, the Czechs themselves asked for the protection of the German Reich. With this the enemy's bridge came into Adolf Hitler's possession; and at the same time direct [11] connection was made possible with Italy, whose friendship had been secured some time previously.

While he was gaining this strategical success for the security of his country, Adolf Hitler was again endeavoring with great eagerness to reach a peaceable understanding with the Western Powers. In Munich directly after liberation of the Sudeten Germans, approved by Britain, France and Italy, he made an agreement with the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, the text of which was a follows:

    "We have had a further meeting to-day and have agreed in recognizing that the question of Anglo-German relations is of the first importance for the two countries and for Europe.

    We regard the agreement signed last night and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one another again.

    We are resolved that the method of consultation shall be the method adopted to deal with any other questions that may concern our two countries, and we are determined to continue our efforts to remove possible sources of difference and thus to contribute to assure the peace of Europe."

                September 30, 1938. Adolf Hitler, Neville Chamberlain."


Two months later, on Hitler's instructions, the German Foreign Minister, von Ribbentrop, made the following agreement with France:

    "Herr Joachim von Ribbentrop, Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs,
          and M. Georges Bonnet, French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
          acting in the name and by order of their Governments, are, at their meeting in Paris, on December 6, 1938, agreed as follows:

    1. The German Government and the French Government fully share the conviction that peaceful and good-neighborly relations between Germany and France constitute one of the most essential elements for the consolidation of the situation in Europe and the maintenance of general peace. The two Governments will in consequence use all their efforts to ensure the development of the relations between their countries in this direction.

    [12] 2. The two Governments recognize that between the two countries there is no territorial question outstanding, and they solemnly recognize as final the frontiers between their countries as they now exist.

    3. The two Governments are resolved, while leaving unaffected their particular relations with other Powers, to remain in contact with regard to all questions concerning their two countries, and mutually to consult should the later evolution of those questions lead to international difficulties.

    In token whereof the representatives of the two Governments have signed the present Declaration, which comes into immediate effect.

    Done in two original Documents in the French and German language respectively, in Paris, December 6, 1938.

                Joachim von Ribbentrop,
                Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs

                Georges Bonnet,
                Minister for Foreign Affairs"

According to all calculations one should have been able to assume that the way was clear for collaborative reconstruction in which all leading powers would participate, and that the Fuehrer's endeavors to secure peace would at last meet with success. But the contrary was true. Scarcely had Chamberlain reached home when he called for rearmament on a considerable scale and laid plans for a new and tremendous encirclement of Germany. Britain now took over from France the leadership of this further encirclement of the Reich, in order to obtain a substitute for the lost Czechoslovakia many times its value. She opened negotiations with Russia, granted Poland a guarantee and also Rumania, Greece and Turkey. These were alarm signals of the greatest urgency.

Just at this time Adolf Hitler was occupied with the task of finally eliminating sources of friction with Poland. For this purpose he had made an uncommonly generous proposal by which the purely German Free City of Danzig would return to the Reich, and a narrow passage through the Polish Corridor, which since 1919 had torn asunder the north-eastern part of Germany to an unbearable extent, would provide communication with the separated area. This proposal, which moreover afforded Poland the prospect of a 25-year non-aggression pact and other advantages, was nevertheless rejected in Warsaw, because there it was believed, conscious as the authorities were of forming one of the principal members of the common [13] front set up by London against Germany, that any concession, however minor, could be refused. This was not all! With the same consciousness Poland then started to be aggressive, threatened Danzig, and prepared to take up arms against Germany.

Thus the moment was close at hand for the attack on the Reich by the countries which had been brought together for the purpose. Adolf Hitler, making a final extreme effort in the interests of peace, saved what he could. On August 23rd, Ribbentrop succeeded in reaching an agreement in Moscow for a non-aggression pact with Russia. Two days later the German Fuehrer himself made a final and truly remarkable offer to Britain, declaring himself ready "to enter into agreements with Great Britain", "which... would not only, on the German side, in any case safeguard the existence of the British Empire, but if necessary would guarantee German assistance for the British Empire, irrespective of where such assistance might be required". At the same time he was prepared "to accept a reasonable limitation of armaments, in accordance with the new political situation and economic requirements". And finally he assured once again that he had no interest in the issues in the west and that "a correction of the borders in the west are out of any consideration."

The reply to this was a pact of assistance signed the same day between Britain and Poland, which rendered the outbreak of war inevitable. Then a decision was made in Warsaw to mobilize at once against Germany, and the Poles began with violent attacks not only on the Germans in Poland, who for some time had been the victims of frightful massacres, but on Germans in German territory.

But even when Britain and France had already declared the war they desired, and Germany had overcome the Polish danger in the east by a glorious campaign without a parallel, even then Adolf Hitler raised his voice once more in the name of peace. He did so although his hands were now free to act against the enemy in the west. He did so, although the fight against him personally was proclaimed in London and Paris, in immeasurable hate, as a crusade. At this moment he possessed the supreme self-control to proclaim in his speech of October 6, 1939, a new plan for the pacification of Europe to public opinion throughout the world. This plan was as follows:

    "By far the most important task, in my opinion, is the creation of not only a belief in, but also a sense of, European security.

    [14] 1. For this it is necessary that the aims of the foreign policy of each European State should be made perfectly clear. As far as Germany is concerned, the Reich Government is ready to give a thorough and exhaustive exposition of the aims of its foreign policy. In so doing, it begins by stating that the Treaty of Versailles is now regarded by it as obsolete, in other words, that the Government of the German Reich and with it the whole German people no longer see cause or reason for any further revision of the Treaty, apart from the demand for adequate colonial possessions justly due to the Reich, involving in the first place a return of the German colonies. This demand for colonies is based not only on Germany's historical claim to her colonies, but above all on her elementary right to a share of the world's resources of raw materials. This demand does not take the form of an ultimatum, nor is it a demand which is backed by force, but a demand based on political justice and sane economic principles.

    2. The demand for a real revival of international economic life coupled with an extension of trade and commerce presupposes a reorganization of the international economic system, in other words, of production in the individual states. In order to facilitate the exchange of the goods thus produced, however, a new system of markets must be found and a final settlement of currencies arrived at, so that the obstacles in the way of unrestricted trade can be gradually removed.

    3. The most important condition, however, for a real revival of economic life in and outside of Europe is the establishment of an unconditionally guaranteed peace and of a sense of security on the part of the individual nations. This security will not only be rendered possible by the final sanctioning of the European status, but above all by the reduction of armaments to a reasonable and economically tolerable level. An essential part of this necessary sense of security, however, is a clear definition of the legitimate use and application of certain modern armaments which can at any given moment strike straight at the heart of every nation and hence create a permanent sense of insecurity. In my previous speeches in the Reichstag I made proposals with this end in view. At that time they were rejected - presumably for the simple reason that they were made by me.

    I believe, however, that a sense of national security will not return to Europe until clear and binding international agreements [15] have provided a comprehensive definition of the extent to which the use of certain weapons is permitted or forbidden.

    The Geneva Convention once succeeded in prohibiting, in civilized countries at least, the killing of wounded, the ill-treatment of prisoners, war against non-combatants, etc., and just as it was possible gradually to achieve the universal observance of this statute, a way ought surely to be found to regulate aerial warfare, the use of poison gas, of submarines etc., and also so to define contraband that war will lose its terrible character of a conflict waged against women and children and against non-combatants in general. The growing horror of certain methods of modern warfare will of its own accord lead to their abolition, and thus they will become obsolete.

    In the war with Poland, I endeavored to restrict aerial warfare to objectives of military importance, or only to employ it to combat resistance at a given point. But it must surely be possible to emulate the Red Cross in drawing up some universally valid international regulation. It is only when this is achieved that peace can reign, particularly on our densely populated continent a peace which, un-contaminated by suspicion and fear, will provide the only possible condition for real economic prosperity. I do not believe that there is any responsible statesman in Europe who does not in his heart desire prosperity for his people. But such a desire can only be realized if all the nations inhabiting this continent decide to work together. To assist in ensuring this co-operation must be the aim of every man who is sincerely struggling for the future of his own people.

    To achieve this great end, the leading nations on this continent will one day have to come together in order to draw up, accept and guarantee a statute on a comprehensive basis which will ensure for them a sense of security, of calm, - in short, of peace.

    Such a conference could not possibly be held without the most thorough preparation, i. e. without exact elucidation of every point at issue. It is equally impossible that such a conference, which would determine the fate of this continent for many years to come, could carry on its deliberations while cannons are thundering, or mobilized armies bringing pressure to bear upon it. Since, however, these problems must be solved sooner or later, it would surely be more sensible to tackle the solution before millions of men are first uselessly sent to their death, and billions of dollars' worth of property destroyed.

    The continuation of the present state of affairs in the west is unthinkable. Each day will soon demand increasing sacrifices. Perhaps the day will come when France will begin to bombard and demolish Saarbrücken. The German artillery will in turn lay Mühlhausen in ruins. France will retaliate by bombarding Karlsruhe, and [16] Germany in her turn shell Strassburg. Then the French artillery will fire at Freiburg, and the Germans at Kolmar or Schlettstadt. Long-range artillery will then be set up, and from both sides destruction will strike deeper and deeper, and whatever cannot be reached by the long-range artillery will be destroyed from the air. And that will be very interesting for certain international journalists, and very profitable for the aeroplane, arms, and munition manufacturers, etc., but appalling for the victims. And this battle of destruction will not be confined to the land. No, it will reach far out over the sea. To-day there are no longer any islands.

    And the national wealth of Europe will be scattered in the form of shells, and the vigor of every nation will be sapped on the battlefields. One day, however, there will again be a frontier between Germany and France, but instead of flourishing towns there will be ruins and endless graveyards."

The fate of this plan was the same as that of all the previous appeals made by Adolf Hitler in the name of reason, in the interests of a true renascence of Europe. His enemies paid him no heed. On this occasion also no response was forthcoming from them. They rigidly adhered to the attitude which they had taken up in the beginning.

In the face of this series of historical facts is there any need for further details as to the question of why they did so? They had created Versailles, and when Versailles threatened to collapse they wanted the war, in order to follow it with an even worse Versailles. The reproaches which they make today to Adolf Hitler and Germany, recoil one and all on those who make them, and characterize their actions. They are the disturbers of peace, they are the ones who meditate the forcible oppression of other peoples and seek to plunge Europe in devastation and disaster. If if were not so, they would long ago have taken the hand that was stretched out to them or at least have made a gesture of honestly wishing to cooperate in a new order, and thus spare the nations "blood, tears and sweat" in excess.

World history is the world court; and in this case as always when it reaches its decision it will pronounce a just verdict.

Dr. Friedrich Stieve

Published in 1940 by the Washington Journal under the auspices of the Deutsche Informationsstelle.This digitalized version © 2009 by The Scriptorium.

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Hitler's 'Barbarossa' Proclamation

On the morning of June 22, 1941, Reich Minister Joseph Goebbels announced to the world the startling news that German forces, together with Finnish and Romanian troops, had struck against the vast Soviet Union. On German radio he read Adolf Hitler's historic proclamation justifying the attack. Among other things, he said that Stalin had massed some 160 divisions to strike westwards. In reality, more than 300 Soviet divisions were assembled against Germany and Europe. Hitler and his generals had thereby greatly underestimated the Soviet danger -- a fateful miscalculation that ultimately proved catastrophic, and not just for Germany. To the Italian leader Benito Mussolini, Hitler wrote that deciding to attack Soviet Russia was "the most difficult decision of my life." And even though it meant engaging Germany in a two-front war, something he had specifically warned against in Mein Kampf, this was a decision he never regretted. Hitler's strike against the Soviet Union, code-named "Barbarossa," has often been called his worst single military blunder because the immense clash he unleashed ended four years later, in May 1945, with his suicide in his Berlin command post, Soviet forces hoisting the Red hammer-and-sickle banner above the Reichstag, and Germany's unconditional surrender. Hitler's "Barbarossa" assault is often, but simplistically, portrayed as a treacherous and unprovoked surprise attack against a peaceable ally, motivated by greed, dreams of empire, loathing of Russians and other Slavic peoples, and visceral hatred of Communism. Today, 60 years later, German and Russian historians continue to grapple with the origins of this mightiest military clash in history. Because Hitler's proclamation of June 22, 1941, helps to explain the German leader's motives for turning against Soviet Russia, it is a document of historic importance. The text is given here in full.

German people! National Socialists!

Weighed down with heavy cares, condemned to months-long silence, the hour has now come when at last I can speak frankly.

When on September 3, 1939, the German Reich received the British declaration of war there was repeated anew the British attempt to thwart every beginning of a consolidation of Europe and thereby its rise, by fighting against whatever power on the Continent was strongest at any given time. That is how, in times past, Britain ruined Spain in many wars. That is how she conducted her wars against Holland. That is how later she fought France with the aid of all Europe, and that is how, at the turn of the century, she began the encirclement of the then German Reich and, in 1914, the [First] World War. It was only on account of its internal lack of unity that Germany was defeated in 1918. The consequences were terrible.

After hypocritical declarations that the fight was solely against the Kaiser and his regime, and once the German army had laid down its arms, the annihilation of the German Reich began according to plan.

While the prophecies of a French statesman that there were two million Germans too many -- in other words, that this number would have to be eliminated by hunger, disease or emigration -- were apparently being fulfilled to the letter, the National Socialist movement began its work of unifying the German people, and thereby initiating the resurgence of the Reich. This rise of our people from distress, misery and shameful disregard was in the form of a purely internal renaissance. In no way did that affect, much less threaten, Britain.

Nevertheless, a new, hate-filled policy of encirclement against Germany began immediately. Internally and externally there came into being that plot, familiar to all of us, between Jews and democrats, Bolsheviks and reactionaries, with the sole aim of inhibiting the establishment of the new German people's state, and of plunging the Reich anew into impotence and misery.

Apart from us, the hatred of this international world conspiracy was directed against those nations that, like ourselves, were neglected by fortune and were obliged to earn their daily bread in the hardest struggle for existence.

Above all, the right of Italy and Japan, just as much as that of Germany, to share in the goods of this world was contested and in fact was formally denied. The alliance of these [three] nations was, therefore, purely an act of self-protection in the face of the egoistic global combination of wealth and power that threatened them. As early as 1936 [Winston] Churchill, according to statements by the American General Wood before a committee of the American House of Representatives, declared that Germany was once again becoming too powerful and must therefore be destroyed.

In the Summer of 1939 the time seemed to have come for Britain to begin to realize its intended annihilation by repetition of a comprehensive policy of encirclement of Germany. The plan of the campaign of lies staged for this purpose consisted in declaring that other people were threatened, in tricking them with British promises of guarantees and assistance, and of getting them to go against Germany, just as had happened prior to the [First] World War.

From May to August 1939, Britain thus succeeded in broadcasting to the world that Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Finland and Bessarabia. as well as Ukraine, were being directly threatened by Germany. Some of these states allowed themselves to be misled into accepting the promise of guarantee proffered with these assertions, thus joining the new encirclement front against Germany. Under these circumstances I considered myself entitled to assume responsibility, before my own conscience and before the history of the German people, not only of assuring these countries or their governments of the falseness of these British assertions, but also of setting at rest the strongest power in the east [the Soviet Union], by especially solemn declarations regarding the limits of our interests.

National Socialists! At that time you probably all felt that this step was a bitter and difficult one for me. The German people has never harbored hostile feelings against the peoples of Russia. However, for more than two decades the Jewish Bolshevik rulers in Moscow had been endeavoring to set aflame not only Germany but all Europe. At no time did Germany ever attempt to carry her National Socialist worldview into Russia, but on the contrary Jewish Bolshevik rulers in Moscow unswervingly endeavored to foist their domination upon us and other European nations, not only by ideological means but above all with military force. The consequences of the activity of this regime were nothing but chaos, misery and starvation in all countries.

I, on the other hand, have been striving for two decades, with a minimum of intervention and without destroying our production, to arrive at a new socialist order in Germany, one that not only eliminates unemployment but also permits the productive worker to receive an ever greater share of the fruits of his labor. The achievements of this policy of national economic and social reconstruction -- which strove for a true national community by overcoming rank and class divisions -- are unique in today's world.

It was therefore only with extreme difficulty that I brought myself in August 1939 to send my [Foreign] Minister [von Ribbentrop] to Moscow in an endeavor there to counter the British encirclement policy against Germany. I did this only out of a sense of responsibility toward the German people, but above all in the hope of finally, in spite of everything, achieving long-term detente and of being able to reduce sacrifices that otherwise might have been demanded of us.

While Germany solemnly affirmed in Moscow that the designated territories and countries -- with the exception of Lithuania -- lay outside any German political interests, a special [supplementary] agreement was concluded in case Britain were to succeed in inciting Poland into actually going to war against Germany. In this case, as well, German claims were subject to limitations entirely out of proportion to the achievements of the German forces.

National Socialists! The consequences of this treaty, which I myself desired and which was concluded in the interests of the German nation, were very severe, particularly for Germans living in the countries concerned. Far more than half a million [ethnically] German men and women, all small farmers, artisans and workmen, were forced to leave their former homeland practically overnight in order to escape from a new [Soviet] regime that at first threatened them with boundless misery and sooner or later with complete extermination.

Nevertheless, thousands of Germans disappeared. It was impossible ever to determine their fate, let alone their whereabouts. Among them were no fewer than 160 men of German Reich citizenship. To all this I remained silent because I had to! For, after all, it was my one desire to bring about a final relief of tension and, if possible, a permanent settlement with this [Soviet] state.

However, already during our advance in Poland, Soviet rulers suddenly, and contrary to the treaty, also claimed Lithuania. The German Reich never had any intention of occupying Lithuania, and not only failed to present any such demand to the Lithuanian government, but on the contrary refused the request of the then Lithuanian government to send German troops to Lithuania in that spirit for that purpose as inconsistent with the aims of German policy.

Despite all this I complied also with this fresh Russian demand. However, this was only the beginning of continually renewed extortions, which have been repeated ever since.

The victory in Poland, which was won exclusively by German troops, prompted me to address yet another peace offer to the Western powers [Britain and France]. It was rejected, due to the efforts of the international and Jewish warmongers. Already at that time the reason for this rejection lay in the fact that Britain still had hopes of being able to mobilize a European coalition against Germany, which was to include the Balkans and Soviet Russia. It was therefore decided in London to send Mr. Cripps as ambassador to Moscow. He received clear instructions under all circumstances to resume relations between Britain and Soviet Russia, and develop them in a pro-British direction. The British press reported on the progress of this mission, except insofar as tactical reasons did not impose silence.

In the fall of 1939 and the spring of 1940 the first results actually made themselves felt. As Russia undertook to subjugate by armed force not only Finland but also the Baltic states, she suddenly motivated this action by the assertion, as ridiculous as it was false, that she must protect these countries from an outside threat, or forestall it. This could only be meant to apply to Germany, for no other power could even intervene in the Baltic area, let alone go to war there. Still I had to be silent. However, those in power in the Kremlin immediately went further.

Whereas in the spring of 1940 Germany, in accordance with the so-called Friendship Treaty [of Sept. 28, 1939, with Soviet Russia], withdrew her forces from the eastern frontier and, in fact, for the most part cleared these areas entirely of German troops, a deployment of Russian forces at that time was already beginning, to an extent that could only be regarded as a deliberate threat to Germany.

According to a statement that [Soviet Foreign Minister] Molotov personally made at that time, there were 22 Russian divisions in the Baltic states alone already in the spring of 1940. Given that the Russian government always claimed that it had been called in by the local population, the purpose of their presence there could only be a demonstration against Germany.

While our soldiers from May 10, 1940, onward were breaking Franco-British power in the west, Russian military deployment on our eastern frontier was continuing to an ever more menacing extent. From August 1940 onward I therefore considered it to be in the interest of the Reich to no longer permit our eastern provinces, which moreover had been laid waste so often before, to remain unprotected in the face of this tremendous deployment of Bolshevik divisions.

Thus, and just as intended by this British-Soviet Russian cooperation, there came about the tying up of such strong [German] forces in the east that a radical conclusion of the war in the west, particularly as regards aircraft, could no longer be vouched for by the German leadership. This, however, was in line with the goals not only of British but also of Soviet Russian policy, for both Britain and Soviet Russia intended to let this war go on for as long as possible in order to weaken all Europe and render it ever more impotent.

Russia's threatened attack on Romania was in the last analysis equally intended to gain possession of or, if possible, to destroy, an important base of the economic life of not only Germany, but of all of Europe. Since 1933 the German Reich sought with boundless patience to win over states in southeastern Europe as trading partners. We therefore also had the greatest interest in their internal consolidation and order. Russia's advance into Romania and Greece's alliance with Britain threatened to quickly turn these regions as well into a general theater of war.

Contrary to our principles and customs, and at the urgent request of the then Romanian government, which was itself responsible for this development, I advised that it acquiesce to the Soviet Russian demands for the sake of peace, and to cede [the province of] Bessarabia. The Romanian government believed, however, that it could answer for this before its own people only if Germany and Italy in compensation would at least guarantee the integrity of what still remained of Romania. I did so with heavy heart, above all because when the German Reich gives a guarantee, that means it also abides by it. We are neither Englishmen nor Jews.

I still believe at this late hour to have served the cause of peace in that region, albeit by assuming a serious obligation of our own. In order, however, finally to solve these problems and achieve clarity concerning the Russian attitude toward Germany, as well as under pressure of continually increasing mobilization on our eastern frontier, I invited Mr. Molotov to come to Berlin.

The Soviet Foreign Minister [during their November 1940 meeting] then demanded Germany's clarification of or agreement to the following four questions:

Molotov's first question: Is the German guarantee for Romania also directed against Soviet Russia in case of attack by Soviet Russia against Romania?

My answer: The German guarantee is a general one and is unconditionally binding upon us. Russia, however, never declared to us that she had other interests in Romania beyond Bessarabia. The [Soviet] occupation of Northern Bukovina was already a violation of this assurance. I did not therefore think that Russia could now suddenly have more far-reaching intentions against Rumania.

Molotov's second question: Russia again feels itself menaced by Finland, Russia is determined not to tolerate this. Is Germany ready not to give any aid to Finland, and above all immediately to withdraw German relief troops marching through to Kirkenes?

My answer: As ever, Germany has absolutely no political interests in Finland. A new war by Russia against the small Finnish nation could not, however, be regarded any longer by the German government as tolerable, all the more so because we could never believe that Finland could threaten Russia. Under no circumstances did we want another theater of war to arise in the Baltic.

Molotov's third question: Is Germany prepared to agree that Soviet Russia give a guarantee to Bulgaria and, in this regard, send Soviet troops to Bulgaria, in connection with which he -- Molotov -- was prepared to state that the Soviets did not intend on that account, for example, to depose the King?

My answer: Bulgaria is a sovereign state, and I have no knowledge that Bulgaria had ever asked Soviet Russia for any kind of guarantee such as Romania had requested from Germany. Moreover, I would have to discuss the matter with my allies.

Molotov's fourth question: Soviet Russia absolutely requires free passage through the Dardanelles, and for her protection also demands occupation of a number of important bases on the Dardanelles and the Bosporus. Is Germany in agreement with this or not?

My answer: Germany is prepared at any time to agree to altering the Treaty of Montreux [1936] in favor of the Black Sea states. Germany is not prepared to agree to Russia's taking possession of bases on the Straits.

National Socialists! Here I adopted the only attitude that I could adopt as the responsible leader of the German Reich, but also a conscientiously responsible representative of European culture and civilization. The result was to increase the activity in Soviet Russia directed against the Reich, above all, however, the immediate commencement of undermining the new Romanian state from within, and an attempt to remove the Bulgarian government by propaganda.

With the help of confused and immature leaders of the Romanian [Iron Guard] Legion a coup d'etat was staged in Romania whose aim was to overthrow Chief of State General Antonescu and produce chaos in the country so as to eliminate thee legal authority and thus remove the precondition for implementing the German guarantee. I nevertheless still believed it best to remain silent.

Immediately after the failure of this undertaking, there was renewed reinforcement of concentrations of Russian troops on Germany's eastern frontier. Panzer detachments and parachute troops were transferred in ever increasing numbers to dangerous proximity to the German frontier. The German armed forces and the German homeland know that until a few weeks ago not a single German tank or motorized division was stationed on our eastern frontier.

If any final proof was required for the coalition meanwhile formed between Britain and Soviet Russia, despite all diversion and camouflage, the Yugoslav conflict provided it. While I made every effort to undertake a final attempt to pacify the Balkans and, in sympathetic cooperation with the Duce [Mussolini], invited Yugoslavia to join the Tripartite Pact, Britain and Soviet Russia jointly organized that coup d'etat which, in a single night, removed the government that had been ready to come to agreement.

For today we can inform the German nation that the Serb putsch against Germany did not take place merely under the British, but primarily under Soviet Russian auspices. While we remained silent on this matter as well, the Soviet leaders now went one step further. They not only organized the putsch, but a few days later [April 5, 1941] concluded that well-known friendship treaty with those submissive creatures, which was meant to strengthen the Serbs in their will to resist pacification of the Balkans, and to incite them against Germany. And this was no platonic intention: Moscow demanded mobilization of the Serbian army.

Because, even then, I still believed it better not to speak out, those in power in the Kremlin went still further: The government of the German Reich today possesses documentary evidence proving that Russia, in order finally to bring Serbia into the war, gave her a promise to supply her, by way of Salonika, with weapons, aircraft, munitions and other war materials against Germany. And this happened almost at the very moment that I was advising Japanese Foreign Minister Matsuoka to bring about an easing of tensions with Russia, still hoping thereby to serve the cause of peace.

Only the rapid advance of our incomparable divisions to Skoplje [Skopje], as well as the capture of Salonika itself, frustrated the aims of this Soviet Russian-British plot. Officers of the Serbian air force, however, fled to Russia and were there immediately received as allies.

It was only the victory of the Axis powers in the Balkans that thwarted the plan to tie down Germany this summer in months of fighting in southeastern Europe while meantime steadily completing the deployment of Soviet Russian armies and strengthening their readiness for battle in order, finally, together with Britain and supported by anticipated American supplies, to tie down and then defeat the German Reich and Italy.

Thus Moscow not only broke but miserably betrayed the stipulations of our friendship treaty. All this was done while the rulers in the Kremlin, exactly as in the case of Finland and Romania, up to the last moment pretended peace and friendship and issued seemingly harmless denials.

Although I have been obliged by circumstances again and again to keep silent, the moment has now come when to continue as a mere observer would not only be a sin of omission but a crime against the German people -- yes, even against the whole of Europe.

Today something like 160 Russian divisions are standing at our frontier. For weeks there have been constant violations of this frontier, not only affecting us but also in the far north [against Finland], as well as Romania. Russian airmen consider it sport nonchalantly to overlook these frontiers, presumably to prove to us that they already feel themselves masters of these territories. During the night of June 17 to 18 Russian patrols again penetrated into Reich territory, and could only be driven back after prolonged exchange of fire.

This has brought us to the hour when it is necessary for us to counter this plot of Jewish-British warmongers and equally the Jewish rulers of the Bolshevik center in Moscow.

German people! At this moment a deployment of forces is taking place that, in its extent and scope, is the greatest the world hitherto has seen. United with their Finnish comrades, the fighters of the victory of Narvik are standing in the Northern Arctic. German divisions commanded by the conqueror of Norway [General Dietl], together with the heroes of Finnish freedom under their Marshal [Mannerheim], are protecting Finnish soil. Formations of the German eastern front extend from East Prussia to the Carpathians. German and Romanian soldiers are united under Chief of State Antonescu from the banks of the Prut along the lower reaches of the Danube to the shores of the Black Sea.

The task of this front, therefore, is not merely the protection of individual countries, but the safeguarding of Europe, and thereby the salvation of all.

I therefore decided today to once again lay the fate and future of the German Reich and our people in the hands of our soldiers.

May the Lord God help us especially in this fight!

From The Journal of Historical Review, Nov.-Dec. 2000 (Vol. 19, No. 6), pages 50 ff.

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Who Involved the U.S. in WWII When 83% of Americans Voted Against It? By N. Jones (Historical Tribune) Besides the Pearl Harbour False Flag, How did They Manipulate America into WWII? – A war 83% of Americans (according to the June 3rd, 1941, Gallup Poll results) were against and asserted they wished to remain uninvolved? Protocol of the Elders of Zion – VII:6 “…In a word, to sum up our system of keeping the governments of the goyim in Europe in check, we shall show our strength to one of them by terrorist attempts and to all, if we allow the possibility of a general rising against us, we shall respond with the guns of America or China or Japan…. “We Jews,” as the spokesmen of this clannish nationalism might put it, “are well aware that in America, England, France and the Soviet Union, as well as in every other part of the world, the rule is: Judah must come first! As long as the interests of America are identical with the interests of Old Testament ‘Nazism’, we will be good Americans, but as soon as our interests begin to conflict with the interests of America, we shall betray her too. Generally speaking, democracy suits us if and when it is led by as many Jews as possible. The so-called freedom of the press is good for us too, provided the descendants of the seed of Abraham, above all, can avail themselves of it. Yes! this freedom is a valuable thing, but only where we Jews are at liberty to do anything we like!” Oh, you faint-hearted ones, who listen terror-stricken to the marching S.A. and S.S. troops; be not afraid! By now we are experts in undermining and capturing democracies. We are familiar with the methods of imposing our particular interests on the masses. America, the richest state of the Goyim is being shaken by mortal economic crisis. The time is ripe to start our all-out offensive, which, will also give political power into our hands. And ours will be a take-over of a more permanent character than that of Hitler. We are going to conquer America neither by arms nor by theories. We possess a reliable prescription to call down Nemesis on America. The fate of America was prescribed by our own Führer – Moses! Torah is our Mein Kampf! This will be the year for sounding the Trumpets in America, where in Washington’s time, the total number of Jews were a mere four thousand. But now our bankers, our socialists and our journalists will be blowing trumpets and, our ‘Brain-Trust’ will execute the New Deal at the expense of the American Pioneer-Population. Thereafter, the only remaining question will be: Whom are we going to put in the Presidential Chair at Washington? “Those of you living in despair in your palatial residence in Wall Street or in 13th Street, as well as in the ghettos of Brooklyn and Bronx, must not doubt that we shall find our man, who will be a real match for Hitler, while at the same time, place political power over America into our hands. You need only read our directions in the Protocols.” (The World Conquerors, p. 80-81) Protocol X: “Liberalism produced constitutional status, which took the place of what was the only safeguard of the Goyim, namely despotism (autocracy)… then it was that we replaced the Ruler by a caricature of a government – by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst of our puppet overture – our slaves. In the near future we shall establish elections, in favour of such presidents, as have in their past some dark undiscovered stain, some “Panama” or other – then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of our plans, out of fear of revelations…” “Who will therefore, be the new President, who will place America in our hands and will execute our orders?” His name is Franklin D. Roosevelt! – the late descendant of the Spanish Sephardim. Fear not dear Franklin, our “Advisors” are now gathering around you, to support you in the decision making for all your future endeavours, which is at such a pivotal time in our world history. Felix Frankfurter from Vienna, Henry Morgenthau from Mannheim, Bernard Baruch from Könoigsberg and Albert Einstein from Berlin. Samuel Roseman who will write your speeches is there, so are our labour leaders; amongst them our compatriot Sidney Hillman who controls American labour in the Administration for you. There is David Dubinsky, also a fellow immigrant from Russia, who will transform the Christian workers into tax payers for Zionism. The entourage we will provide you will consist exclusively of trustworthy men, such as La Guardia, Mayor of New York, a Jew from Fiume and, Alger Hiss, the protègè of Frankfurter and of Senator Lehman. Bernard Baruch will control the 351 most important branches of American industry, which will militarily equip the American boys to go fight against our cryptonite – National Socialism. On behalf of America, Alger Hiss will conduct the talks with Stalin and, Einstein, Oppenheimer and David Lilienthal will produce the atomic bomb. As managers of the UNNRA, La Guardia and Herbert Lehman will help the intended future Jewish ‘Displaced Persons‘ of our coming war – a war which we will declare. Our appointed Henry Morgenthau Jr., Secretaty of the Treasury, will prepare a splendid plan for the extermination of the German people, based on the insightful authorship of our intellectual confidant, President of the ‘American Federation of Peace,’ Theodore Kaufman. Our own Mortiz Gomberg, will see to it that 18 million people from the countries of our opponent will become ‘Stateless’ in Europe, our trustworthy men will distribute $11 million worth of cheques to provide our Bolshevik counterparts with arms and Harry Dexter White will also give them U.S. occupation printing plates, to enable the ‘Displaced Persons’ to print with abandon, so they can be cashed-up to usurp all positions of European “Authority” after our boys summarily assassinate all who have opposed us – at the expense of the American people who reject involvement in our coming war. No, fear not dear Franklin, the patriotism of this American dream to sail across the seas to punish OUR enemies, is in the good and trustworthy hands of Judah! Bernard Baruch – the unofficial President of America. Judge Samuel Roseman – the Founder and Head of the ‘Brains-Trust’ – Roosevelts “Advisors” Professor Raymond Moley – Favorite Advisor. Rabbi Stephan Wise (Weiz) – President of the WJC and Roosevelts closest Advisor/Firm Hand – see here: The Jewish Plan for WWII and all the Benefits it would Bring World Jewry Henry Morgenthau Sr. – Unofficial Advisor, Jewish State Lawyer. Theodore N. Kaufman – President of the ‘American Federation of Peace’ / Author of ‘Germany Must Perish’, precursor to the Morgenthau Plan – see here: Germany Must Perish Harry Dexter White (Weit) – Senior U.S. Treasury department official (Transport of U.S. printing plates to Bolsheviks – see here: WWII: Espionage and the US funding of the Conquering Communists of Europe Felix Frankfurter – Supreme Court Justice Justice Benjamin Cardozo – Advisor. Gerald Shwope – Advisor. E. A. Filene – Advisor. Charles Taussig – Brains-Trust Advisor. Nathan Margold – Interior Department Solicitor. Charles Wyzanski Jr. – Labour Department Solicitor. Professor Leo Wolman – Labour Strike Board. Rose Schneiderman – Labour Advisory Board. Isador Lubin Jr. – Labour Bureau Statistician. Solomon Rosenblatt – Amusement Administrator. E. A. Goldenweiser – Federal Research Director. Jerome Frank – General Councel. Mordechai Ezekile – Economic Advisor (Co-author of A.A.A. Laws). Herbert Feis – “The Brains of the State Department.” Henry Morgenthau Jr. – Secretary of the Treasury. David Lilienthal – TVA Director. Sidney Hillman – Labour Advisory Board. L. N. Landau – PWA General Solicitor. A. Steinhard – Minister to Sweden. Professor Albert E. Taussig – NRA Advisor. Alexander Sachs – NRA Code Authority. Maurice Karp – NRA Director of Personnel. Robert Freshner – CC C Forest Army Head. Robert Strauss – NRA Assistant Administrator. Donald Richberg – NRA Advisor. H. I. Strauss – Ambassador to France. Ferdinand Pecora – “Special” Investigator. Samuel Untermayer – Stock-Exchange Bill Advisor. Professor James M. Landis – Federal Trade Commissioner… Just to name a few of the “Trustworthy Men” (JEWS) of American interests.
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I have been asked that question a thousand times since 1945, and nothing is more difficult to answer.

Approximately 2000 books have dealt with the Second World War and with its central figure, Adolf Hitler. But has the real Hitler been discovered by any of them? "The enigma of Hitler is beyond all human comprehension" the left-wing German weekly 'Die Zeit' once put it.

Salvador Dali, art's unique genius, sought to penetrate the mystery in one of his most intensely dramatic paintings. Towering mountain landscapes all but fill the canvas, leaving ony a few luminous meters of seashore dotted with delicately miniaturized human figures: the last witness to a dying peace. A huge telephone receiver dripping tears of blood hangs from the branch of a dead tree; and here and there hang umbrellas and bats whose portent is visibly the same. As Dali tells it, "Chamberlain's umbrella appeared in this painting in a sinister light, made evident by the bat, and it struck me when I painted it as a thing of enormous anguish."

He then confided: "I felt this painting to be deeply prophetic. But I confess that I haven't yet figured out the Hitler enigma either. He attracted me only as an object of my mad imaginings and because I saw him as a man uniquely capable of turning things completely upside down."

What a lesson in humility for the braying critics who have rushed into print since 1945 with their thousands of 'definitive' books, most of them scornful, about this man who so troubled the introspective Dali that forty years later he still felt anguished and uncertain in the presence of his own hallucinatory painting. Apart from Dali, who else has ever tried to present an objective portrayal of this extraordinary man who Dali labeled the most explosive figure in human history?

LIKE PAVLOV'S BELL

The mountains of Hitler books based on blink hatred and ignorance do little to describe or explain the most powerful man the world has ever seen. How, I ponder, do these thousands of disparate portraits of Hitler in any way resemble the man I knew? The Hitler seated beside me, standing up, talking, listening. It has become impossible to explain to people fed fantastic tales for decades that what they have read or heard on television just does not correspond to the truth.

People have come to accept fiction, repeated a thousand times over, as reality. Yet they have never seen Hitler, never spoken to him, never heard a word from his mouth. The very name of Hitler immediately conjures up a grimacing devil, the fount of all of one's negative emotions. Like Pavlov's bell, the mention of Hitler is meant to dispense with substance and reality. In time, however, history will demand more than these summary judgements.

STRANGELY ATTRACTIVE

Hitler is always present before my eyes: as a man of peace in 1936, as a man of war in 1944. It is not possible to have been a personal witness to the life of such an extraordinary man without being marked by it forever. Not a day goes by but Hitler rises again in my memory, not as a man long dead, but as a real being who paces his office floor, seats himself in his chair, pokes the burning logs in the fireplace.

The first thing anyone noticed when he came into view was his small mustache. Countless times he had been advised to shave it off, but he always refused: people were used to him the way he was.

He was not tall -- no more than was Napoleon or Alexander the Great.

Hitler had deep blue eyes that many found bewitching, although I did not find them so. Nor did I detect the electric current his hands were said to give off. I gripped them quite a few times and was never struck by his lightening.

His face showed emotion or indifference according to the passion or apathy of the moment. At times he was as though benumbed, saying not a word, while his jaws moved in the meanwhile as if they were grinding an obstacle to smithereens in the void. Then he would come suddenly alive and launch into a speech directed at you alone, as though he were addressing a crowd of hundreds of thousands at Berlin's Tempelhof airfield. Then he became as if transfigured. Even his complexion, otherwise dull, lit up as he spoke. And at such times, to be sure, Hitler was strangely attractive and as if possessed of magic powers.

EXCEPTIONAL VIGOR

Anything that might have seemed too solemn in his remarks, he quickly tempered with a touch of humour. The picturesque world, the biting phrase were at his command. In a flash he would paint a word-picture that brought a smile, or come up with an unexpected and disarming comparison. He could be harsh and even implacable in his judgements and yet almost at the same time be surprisingly conciliatory, sensitive and warm.

After 1945 Hitler was accused of every cruelty, but it was not in his nature to be cruel. He loved children. It was an entirely natural thing for him to stop his car and share his food with young cyclists along the road. Once he gave his raincoat to a derelict plodding in the rain. At midnight he would interrupt his work and prepare the food for his dog Blondi.

He could not bear to eat meat, because it meant the death of a living creature. He refused to have so much as a rabbit or a trout sacrificed to provide his food. He would allow only eggs on his table, because egg-laying meant that the hen had been spared rather than killed.

Hitler's eating habits were a constant source of amazement to me. How could someone on such a rigorous schedule, who had taken part in tens of thousands of exhausting mass meetings from which he emerged bathed with sweat, often losing two to four pounds in the process; who slept only three to four hours a night; and who, from 1940 to 1945, carried the whole world on his shoulders while ruling over 380 million Europeans: how, I wondered, could he physically survive on just a boiled egg, a few tomatoes, two or three pancakes, and a plate of noodles? But he actually gained weight!

He drank only water. He did not smoke and would not tolerate smoking in his presence. At one or two o'clock in the morning he would still be talking, untroubled, close to his fireplace, lively, often amusing. He never showed any sign of weariness. Dead tired his audience might be, but not Hitler.

He was depicted as a tired old man. Nothing was further from the truth. In September 1944, when he was reported to be fairly doddering, I spent a week with him. His mental and physical vigor were still exceptional. The attempt made on his life on July 20th had, if anything, recharged him. He took tea in his quarters as tranquilly as if we had been in his small private apartment at the chancellery before the war, or enjoying the view of snow and bright blue sky through his great bay window at Berchtesgaden.

IRON SELF-CONTROL

At the very end of his life, to be sure, his back had become bent, but his mind remained as clear as a flash of lightening. The testament he dictated with extraordinary composure on the eve of his death, at three in the morning of April 29, 1945, provides us a lasting testimony. Napoleon at Fontainebleau was not without his moments of panic before his abdication. Hitler simply shook hands with his associates in silence, breakfasted as on any other day, then went to his death as if he were going on a stroll. When has history ever witnessed so enormous a tragedy brought to its end with such iron self control?

Hitler's most notable characteristic was ever his simplicity. The most complex of problems resolved itself in his mind into a few basic principles. His actions were geared to ideas and decisions that could be understood by anyone. The laborer from Essen, the isolated farmer, the Ruhr industrialist, and the university professor could all easily follow his line of thought. The very clarity of his reasoning made everything obvious.

His behaviour and his life style never changed even when he became the ruler of Germany. He dressed and lived frugally. During his early days in Munich, he spent no more than a mark per day for food. At no stage in his life did he spend anything on himself. Throughout his 13 years in the chancellery he never carried a wallet or ever had money of his own.

COMPUTER-LIKE MIND

Hitler was self-taught and made not attempt to hide the fact. The smug conceit of intellectuals, their shiny ideas packaged like so many flashlight batteries, irritated him at times. His own knowledge he had acquired through selective and unremitting study, and he knew far more than thousands of diploma-decorated academics.

I don't think anyone ever read as much as he did. He normally read one book every day, always first reading the conclusion and the index in order to gauge the work's interest for him. He had the power to extract the essence of each book and then store it in his computer-like mind. I have heard him talk about complicated scientific books with faultless precision, even at the height of the war.

His intellectual curiosity was limitless. He was readily familiar with the writings of the most diverse authors, and nothing was too complex for his comprehension. He had a deep knowledge and understanding of Buddha, Confucius and Jesus Christ, as well as Luther, Calvin, and Savonarola; of literary giants such as Dante, Schiller, Shakespeare and Goethe; and analytical writers such as Renan and Gobineau, Chamberlain and Sorel.

He had trained himself in philosophy by studying Aristotle and Plato. He could quote entire paragraphs of Schopenhauer from memory, and for a long time carried a pocked edition of Schopenhauer with him. Nietzsche taught him much about the willpower.

His thirst for knowledge was unquenchable. He spend hundreds of hours studying the works of Tacitus and Mommsen, military strategists such as Clausewitz, and empire builders such as Bismark. Nothing escaped him: world history or the history of civilizations, the study of the Bible and the Talmud, Thomistic philosophy and all the masterpieces of Homer, Sophocles, Horace, Ovid, Titus Livius and Cicero. He knew Julian the Apostate as if he had been his contemporary.

His knowledge also extended to mechanics. He knew how engines worked; he understood the ballistics of various weapons; and he astonished the best medical scientists with his knowledge of medicine and biology.

The universality of Hitler's knowledge may surprise or displease those unaware of it, but it is nonetheless a historical fact: Hitler was one of the most cultivated men of this century. Many times more so than Churchill, an intellectual mediocrity; or than Pierre Lavaal, with him mere cursory knowledge of history; of than Roosevelt; or Eisenhower, who never got beyond detective novels.

THE YOUNG ARCHITECT

Even during his earliest years, Hitler was different than other children. He had an inner strength and was guided by his spirit and his instincts.

He could draw skillfully when he was only eleven years old. His sketches made at that age show a remarkable firmness and liveliness. He first paintings and watercolors, created at age 15, are full of poetry and sensitivity. One of his most striking early works, 'Fortress Utopia,' also shows him to have been an artist of rare imagination. His artistic orientation took many forms. He wrote poetry from the time he was a lad. He dictated a complete play to his sister Paula who was amazed at his presumption. At the age of 16, in Vienna, he launched into the creation of an opera. He even designed the stage settings, as well as all the costumes; and, of course, the characters were Wagnerian heroes.

More than just an artist, Hitler was above all an architect. Hundreds of his works were notable as much for the architecture as for the painting. From memory alone he could reproduce in every detail the onion dome of a church or the intricate curves of wrought iron. Indeed, it was to fulfill his dream of becoming an architect that Hitler went to Vienna at the beginning of the century.

When one sees the hundreds of paintings, sketches and drawings he created at the time, which reveal his mastery of three dimensional figures, it is astounding that his examiners at the Fine Arts Academy failed him in two successive examinations. German historian Werner Maser, no friend of Hitler, castigated these examiners: "All of his works revealed extraordinary architectural gifts and knowledge. The builder of the Third Reich gives the former Fine Arts Academy of Vienna cause for shame."

In his room, Hitler always displayed an old photograph of his mother. The memory of the mother he loved was with him until the day he died. Before leaving this earth, on April 30, 1945, he placed his mother's photograph in front of him. She had blue eyes like his and a similar face. Her maternal intuition told her that her son was different from other children. She acted almost as if she knew her son's destiny. When she died, she felt anguished by the immense mystery surrounding her son.

HUMBLE ORIGINS

Throughout the years of his youth, Hitler lived the life of a virtual recluse. He greatest wish was to withdraw from the world. At heart a loner, he wandered about, ate meager meals, but devoured the books of three public libraries. He abstained from conversations and had few friends.

It is almost impossible to imagine another such destiny where a man started with so little and reached such heights. Alexander the great was the son of a king. Napoleon, from a well-to-do family, was a general at 24. Fifteen years after Vienna, Hitler would still be an unknown corporal. Thousands of others had a thousand times more opportunity to leave their mark on the world.

Hitler was not much concerned with his private life. In Vienna he had lived in shabby, cramped lodgings. But for all that he rented a piano that took up half his room, and concentrated on composing his opera. He lived on bread, milk, and vegetable soup. His poverty was real. He did not even own an over-coat. He shoveled streets on snowy days. He carried luggage at the railway station. He spent many weeks in shelters for the homeless. But he never stopped painting or reading.

Despite his dire poverty, Hitler somehow managed to maintain a clean appearance. Landlords and landladies in Vienna and Munich all remembered him for his civility and pleasant disposition. His behavior was impeccable. His room was always spotless, his meager belongings meticulously arranged, and his clothes neatly hung or folded. He washed and ironed his own clothes, something which in those days few men did. He needed almost nothing to survive, and money from the sale of a few paintings was sufficient to provide for all his needs.

SEARCH FOR DESTINY

Impressed by the beauty of the church in a Benedictine monastery where he was part of the choir and served as an altar boy, Hitler dreamt fleetingly of becoming a Benedictine monk. And it was at that time, too, interestingly enough, that whenever he attended mass, he always had to pass beneath the first swastika he had ever seen: it was graven in the stone escutcheon of the abbey portal.

Hitler's father, a customs officer, hoped the boy would follow in his footsteps and become a civil servant. His tutor encouraged him to become a monk. Instead the young Hitler went, or rather fled, to Vienna. And there, thwarted in his artistic aspirations by the bureaucratic mediocrities of academia, he turned to isolation and meditation. Lost in the great capital of Austria-Hungary, he searched for his destiny.

During the first 30 years of Hitler's life, the date April 20, 1889, meant nothing to anyone. He was born on that day in Braunau, a small town in the Inn valley. During his exile in Vienna, he often thought of his modest home, and particularly of his mother. When she fell ill, he returned home from Vienna to look after her. For weeks he nursed her, did all the household chores, and supported her as the most loving of sons. When she finally died, on Christmas eve, his pain was immense. Wracked with grief, he buried his mother in the little country cemetery. "I have never seen anyone so prostrate with grief," said his mother's doctor, who happened to be Jewish.

A STRONG SOUL

Hitler had not yet focused on politics, but without his rightly knowing, that was the career to which he was most strongly called. Politics would ultimately blend with his passion for art. People, the masses, would be the clay the sculptor shapes into an immortal form. The human clay would become for him a beautiful work of art like one of Myron's marble sculptures, a Hans Makart painting, or Wagner's Ring Trilogy.

His love of music, art and architecture had not removed him from the political life and social concerns of Vienna. In order to survive, he worked as a common laborer sided by side with other workers. He was a silent spectator, but nothing escaped him: not the vanity and egoism of the bourgeoisie, not the moral and material misery of the people, nor yet the hundreds of thousands of workers who surged down the wide avenues of Vienna with anger in their hearts.

He had also been taken aback by the growing presence in Vienna of bearded Jews wearing caftans, a sight unknown in Linz. "How can they be Germans?" he asked himself. He read the statistics: in 1860 there were 69 Jewish families in Vienna; 40 years later there were 200,000. They were everywhere. He observed their invasion of the universities and the legal and medical professions, and their takeover of the newspapers.

Hitler was exposed to the passionate reactions of the workers to this influx, but the workers were not alone in their unhappiness. There were many prominent persons in Austria and Hungary who did not hide their resentment at what they believed was an alien invasion of their country. The mayor of Vienna, a Christian-Democrat and a powerful orator, was eagerly listened to by Hitler.

Hitler was also concerned with the fate of the eight million Austrian Germans kept apart from Germany, and thus deprived of their rightful German nationhood. He saw Emperor Franz Josef as a bitter and petty old man unable to cope with the problems of the day and the aspirations of the future.

Quietly, the young Hitler was summing things up in his mind.

First: Austrians were part of Germany, the common fatherland.

Second: The Jews were aliens within the German community.

Third: Patriotism was only valid if it was shared by all classes. The common people with whom Hitler had shared grief and humiliation were just as much a part of the fatherland as the millionaires of high society.

Fourth: Class war would sooner or later condemn both workers and bosses to ruin in any country. No country could survive class war; only cooperation between workers and bosses can benefit the country. Workers must be respected and live with decency and honor. Creativity must never be stifled.

When Hitler later said that he had formed his social and political doctrine in Vienna, he told the truth. Ten years later his observations made in Vienna would become the order of the day.

Thus Hitler was to live for several years in the crowded city of Vienna as a virtual outcast, yet quietly observing everything around him. His strength came from within. He did not rely on anyone to do his thinking for him. Exceptional human beings always feel lonely amid the vast human throng. Hitler saw his solitude as a wonderful opportunity to meditate and not to be submerged in a mindless sea. In order not to be lost in the wastes of a sterile desert, a strong soul seeks refuge within himself. Hitler was such a soul.

THE WORD

The lightning in Hitler's life would come from the word.

All his artistic talent would be channeled into his mastery of communication and eloquence. Hitler would never conceive of popular conquests without the power of the word. He would enchant and be enchanted by it. He would find total fulfillment when the magic of his words inspired the hearts and minds of the masses with whom he communed.

He would feel reborn each time he conveyed with mystical beauty the knowledge he had acquired in his lifetime.

Hitler's incantory eloquence will remain, for a very long time, a vast field of study for the psychoanalyst. The power of Hitler's word is the key. Without it, there would never have been a Hitler era.

TRANSCENDANT FAITH

Did Hitler believe in God? He believed deeply in God. He called God the Almighty, master of all that is known and unknown.

Propagandists portrayed Hitler as an atheist. He was not. He had contempt for hypocritical and materialistic clerics, but he was not alone in that. He believed in the necessity of standards and theological dogmas, without which, he repeatedly said, the great institution of the Christian church would collapse. These dogmas clashed with his intelligence, but he also recognized that it was hard for the human mind to encompass all the problems of creation, its limitless scope and breathtaking beauty. He acknowledged that every human being has spiritual needs.

The song of the nightingale, the pattern and color of a flower, continually brought him back to the great problems of creation. No one in the world has spoken to me so eloquently about the existence of God. He held this view not because he was brought up as a Christian, but because his analytical mind bound him to the concept of God.

Hitler's faith transcended formulas and contingencies. God was for him the basis of everything, the ordainer of all things, of his Destiny and that of all others.

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To deal with the massive unemployment and economic paralysis of the Great Depression, both the US and German governments launched innovative and ambitious programs.

Although President Franklin Roosevelt’s “New Deal” measures helped only marginally, the Third Reich’s much more focused and comprehensive policies proved remarkably effective. Within three years unemployment was banished and Germany’s economy was flourishing.

 While Roosevelt’s record in dealing with the Depression is pretty well known, the remarkable story of how Hitler tackled the crisis is not widely understood or appreciated.

Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany on January 30, 1933. A few weeks later, on March 4, Franklin Roosevelt took office as President of the United States. Each man remained his country’s chief executive for the next twelve years -- until April 1945, shortly before the end of World War II in Europe. In early 1933 industrial production in each country had fallen to about half of what it had been in 1929. Each leader quickly launched bold new initiatives to tackle the terrible economic crisis, above all the scourge of mass unemployment. And although there are some striking similarities between the efforts of the two governments, the results were very different.

One of the most influential and widely read American economists of the twentieth century was John Kenneth Galbraith. He was an advisor to several presidents, and for a time served as US ambassador to India. He was the author of several dozen books, and for years taught economics at Harvard University. With regard to Germany’s record, Galbraith wrote: “… The elimination of unemployment in Germany during the Great Depression without inflation -- and with initial reliance on essential civilian activities -- was a signal accomplishment. It has rarely been praised and not much remarked. The notion that Hitler could do no good extends to his economics as it does, more plausibly, to all else.”

The Hitler regime’s economic policy, Galbraith goes on, involved “large scale borrowing for public expenditures, and at first this was principally for civilian work -- railroads, canals and the Autobahnen [highway network]. The result was a far more effective attack on unemployment than in any other industrial country.” / 1 “By late 1935,” he also wrote, “unemployment was at an end in Germany. By 1936 high income was pulling up prices or making it possible to raise them … Germany, by the late thirties, had full employment at stable prices. It was, in the industrial world, an absolutely unique achievement.” / 2 “Hitler also anticipated modern economic policy,” the economist noted, “by recognizing that a rapid approach to full employment was only possible if it was combined with wage and price controls. That a nation oppressed by economic fears would respond to Hitler as Americans did to F.D.R. is not surprising.”

Other countries, Galbraith wrote, failed to understand or to learn from the German experience: “The German example was instructive but not persuasive. British and American conservatives looked at the Nazi financial heresies -- the borrowing and spending -- and uniformly predicted a breakdown … And American liberals and British socialists looked at the repression, the destruction of the unions, the Brownshirts, the Blackshirts, the concentration camps, and screaming oratory, and ignored the economics. Nothing good [they believed], not even full employment, could come from Hitler.”

Two days after taking office as Chancellor, Hitler addressed the nation by radio. Although he and other leaders of his movement had made clear their intention to reorganize the nation’s social, political, cultural and educational life in accord with National Socialist principles, everyone knew that, with some six million jobless and the national economy in paralysis, the great priority of the moment was to restore the nation’s economic life, above all by tackling unemployment and providing productive work.

“The misery of our people is horrible to behold!,” said Hitler in this inaugural address. / 5 “Along with the hungry unemployed millions of industrial workers there is the impoverishment of the whole middle class and the artisans. If this collapse finally also finishes off the German farmers we will face a catastrophe of incalculable dimension. For that would be not just the collapse of a nation, but of a two-thousand-year-old inheritance of some of the greatest achievements of human culture and civilization …”

The new government, Hitler said, would “achieve the great task of reorganizing our nation’s economy by means of two great four-year plans. The German farmer must be rescued to maintain the nation’s food supply and, in consequence, the nation’s vital foundation. The German worker will be saved from ruin with a concerted and all-embracing attack against unemployment.”

“Within four years,” he pledged, “unemployment must be decisively overcome … The Marxist parties and their allies have had 14 years to show what they can do. The result is a heap of ruins. Now, people of Germany, give us four years and then pass judgment upon us!”

Rejecting the cloudy and impractical economic views of some radical activists in his Party, Hitler turned to men of proven ability and competence. Most notably, he enlisted the help of Hjalmar Schacht, a prominent banker and financier with an impressive record in both private business and public service. Even though Schacht was certainly no National Socialist, Hitler appointed him President of Germany’s central bank, the Reichsbank, and then as Minister of Economics.

After taking power, writes Prof. John Garraty, a prominent American historian, Hitler and his new government “immediately launched an all-out assault on unemployment … They stimulated private industry through subsidies and tax rebates, encouraged consumer spending by such means as marriage loans, and plunged into the massive public-works program that produced the autobahn [highway system], and housing, railroad and navigation projects.”

The regime’s new leaders also succeeded in persuading formerly skeptical and even hostile Germans of their sincerity, resolve and ability. This fostered trust and confidence, which in turn encouraged businessmen to hire and invest, and consumers to spend with an eye to the future.

As he had promised, Hitler and his National Socialist government banished unemployment within four years. The number of jobless was cut from six million at the beginning of 1933, when he took power, to one million by 1936. / 7 So rapidly was the jobless rate reduced that by 1937-38 there was a national labor shortage.

For the great mass of Germans, wages and working conditions improved steadily. From 1932 to 1938 gross real weekly earnings increased by 21 percent. After taking into account tax and insurance deductions and adjustments to the cost of living, the increase in real weekly earnings during this period was 14 percent. At the same time, rents remained stable, and there was a relative decline in the costs of heating and light. Prices actually declined for some consumer goods, such as electrical appliances, clocks and watches, as well as for some foods. "Consumer prices rose at an average annual rate of just 1.2 percent between 1933 and 1939," notes British historian Niall Ferguson. "This meant that Germans workers were better off in real as well as nominal terms: between 1933 and 1938, weekly net earnings (after tax) rose by 22 percent, while the cost of living rose by just seven percent." Even after the outbreak of war in September 1939, workers’ income continued to rise. By 1943 average hourly earnings of German workers had risen by 25 percent, and weekly earnings by 41 percent.

The “normal” work day for most Germans was eight hours, and pay for overtime work was generous. / 10 In addition to higher wages, benefits included markedly improved working conditions, such as better health and safety conditions, canteens with subsidized hot meals, athletic fields, parks, subsidized theater performances and concerts, exhibitions, sports and hiking groups, dances, adult education courses, and subsidized tourism. / 11 An already extensive network of social welfare programs, including old age insurance and a national health care program, was expanded.

Hitler wanted Germans to have “the highest possible standard of living,” he said in an interview with an American journalist in early 1934. “In my opinion, the Americans are right in not wanting to make everyone the same but rather in upholding the principle of the ladder. However, every single person must be granted the opportunity to climb up the ladder.” / 12 In keeping with this outlook, Hitler’s government promoted social mobility, with wide opportunities to improve and advance. As Prof. Garraty notes: “It is beyond argument that the Nazis encouraged working-class social and economic mobility.” To encourage acquisition of new skills, the government greatly expanded vocational training programs, and offered generous incentives for further advancement of efficient workers.

Both National Socialist ideology and Hitler’s basic outlook, writes historian John Garraty, “inclined the regime to favor the ordinary German over any elite group. Workers … had an honored place in the system.” In accord with this, the regime provided substantive fringe benefits for workers that included subsidized housing, low-cost excursions, sports programs, and more pleasing factory facilities.

In his detailed and critical biography of Hitler, historian Joachim Fest acknowledged: “The regime insisted that it was not the rule of one social class above all others, and by granting everyone opportunities to rise, it in fact demonstrated class neutrality … These measures did indeed break through the old, petrified social structures. They tangibly improved the material condition of much of the population.”

A few figures give an idea of how the quality of life improved. Between 1932, the last year of the pre-Hitler era, and 1938, the last full year before the outbreak of war, food consumption increased by one sixth, while clothing and textile turnover increased by more than a quarter, and of furniture and household goods by 50 percent. / 16 During the Third Reich’s peacetime years, wine consumption rose by 50 percent, and champagne consumption increased five-fold. / 17 Between 1932 and 1938, the volume of tourism more than doubled, while automobile ownership during the 1930s tripled. / 18 German motor vehicle production, which included cars made by the US-owned Ford and General Motors (Opel) works, doubled in the five years of 1932 to 1937, while Germany’s motor vehicle exports increased eight-fold. Air passenger traffic in Germany more than tripled from 1933 to 1937.

German business revived and prospered. During the first four years of the National Socialist era, net profits of large corporations quadrupled, and managerial and entrepreneurial income rose by nearly 50 percent. / 20 Between 1933 and 1938, notes historian Niall Ferguson, Germany's "gross domestic product grew, on average, by a remarkable eleven percent a year," with no significant increase in the rate of inflation. / 21 “Things were to get even better,” writes Jewish historian Richard Grunberger in his detailed study, The Twelve-Year Reich. “In the three years between 1939 and 1942 German industry expanded as much as it had during the preceding fifty years.”

Although German businesses flourished, profits were controlled and by law were kept within moderate limits. / 21 Beginning in 1934, dividends for stockholders of German corporations were limited to six percent annually. Undistributed profits were invested in Reich government bonds, which had an annual interest yield of six percent, and then, after 1935, of four and a half percent. This policy had the predictable effect of encouraging corporate reinvestment and self-financing, and thereby of reducing borrowing from banks and, more generally, of diminishing the influence of commercial capital.

Corporation tax rates were steadily raised, from 20 percent in 1934 to 25 percent in 1936, and to 40 percent in 1939-40. Directors of German companies could grant bonuses to managers, but only if these were directly proportionate to profits and they also authorized corresponding bonuses or “voluntary social contributions” to employees.

Between 1934 and 1938, the gross taxable income of German businessmen increased by 148 percent, and overall tax volume increased during this period by 232 percent. The number of taxpayers in the highest income tax bracket -- those earning more than 100,000 marks annually -- increased during this period by 445 percent. (By contrast, the number of taxpayers in the lowest income bracket -- those earning less than 1500 marks yearly -- increased by only five percent.)

Taxation in National Socialist Germany was sharply “progressive,” with those of higher income paying proportionately more than those in the lower income brackets. Between 1934 and 1938, the average tax rate on incomes of more than 100,000 marks rose from 37.4 percent to 38.2 percent. In 1938 Germans in the lowest tax brackets were 49 percent of the population and had 14 percent of the national income, but paid only 4.7 percent of the tax burden. Those in the highest income category, who were just one percent of the population but with 21 percent of the income, paid 45 percent of the tax burden.

Jews made up about one percent of Germany’s total population when Hitler came to power. While the new government moved quickly to remove them from the nation’s political and cultural life, Jews were permitted to carry on in economic life, at least for several years. In fact, many Jews benefited from the regime’s recovery measures and the general economic revival. In June 1933, for example, Hitler approved a large-scale government investment of 14.5 million marks in the Jewish-owned firm Hertie, a Berlin department store chain. This “bail out” was done to prevent the ruin of the large firm’s suppliers, financiers, and, above all, its 14,000 employees.

Prof. Gordon Craig, who for years taught history at Stanford University, points out: “In the clothing and retail trades, Jewish firms continued to operate profitably until 1938, and in Berlin and Hamburg, in particular, establishments of known reputation and taste continued to attract their old customers despite their ownership by Jews. In the world of finance, no restrictions were placed upon the activities of Jewish firms in the Berlin Bourse [stock market], and until 1937 the banking houses of Mendelssohn, Bleichröder, Arnhold, Dreyfuss, Straus, Warburg, Aufhäuser, and Behrens were still active.” / 27 Five years after Hitler had come to power, the Jewish role in business life was still a significant one, and Jews still held considerable real estate holdings, especially in Berlin. This changed markedly in 1938, however, and by the end of 1939 Jews had been largely removed from German economic life.

Germany’s crime rate fell during the Hitler years, with significant drops in the rates of murder, robbery, theft, embezzlement and petty larceny. / 28 Improvement in the health and outlook of Germans impressed many foreigners. “Infant mortality has been greatly reduced and is considerably inferior to that in Great Britain,” wrote Sir Arnold Wilson, a British M.P. who visited Germany seven times after Hitler had come to power. “Tuberculosis and other diseases have noticeably diminished. The criminal courts have never had so little to do and the prisons have never had so few occupants. It is a pleasure to observe the physical aptitude of the German youth. Even the poorest persons are better clothed than was formerly the case, and their cheerful faces testify to the psychological improvement that has been wrought within them.”

The improved psychological-emotional well-being of Germans during this period has also been noted by social historian Richard Grunberger. “There can be little doubt,” he wrote, “that the [National Socialist] seizure of power engendered a wide-spread improvement in emotional health; this was not only a result of the economic upswing, but of many Germans’ heightened sense of identification with the national purpose.”

Austria experienced a dramatic upswing after it joined the German Reich in March 1938. Immediately following the Anschluss (“union”), officials moved quickly to relieve social distress and revitalize the moribund economy. Investment, industrial production, housing construction, consumer spending, tourism and the standard of living rose rapidly. Between June and December 1938 alone, the weekly income of Austria’s industrial workers rose by nine percent. The National Socialist regime’s success in banishing unemployment was so rapid that American historian Evan Burr Bukey was moved to call it “one of the most remarkable economic achievements in modern history.” The jobless rate in Austria dropped from 21.7 percent in 1937 to 3.2 percent in 1939. The Austrian GNP rose 12.8 percent in 1938, and an astonishing 13.3 percent in 1939.

An important expression of national confidence was a sharp increase in the birth rate. Within a year after Hitler came to power, the German birth rate jumped by 22 percent, rising to a high point in 1938. It remained high even in 1944 -- the last full year of World War II. / 32 In the view of historian John Lukacs, this jump in the birth rate was an expression of “the optimism and the confidence” of Germans during the Hitler years. “For every two children born in Germany in 1932, three were born four years later,” he notes. “In 1938 and 1939, the highest marriage rates in all of Europe were registered in Germany, superseding even those among the prolific peoples of Eastern Europe. The phenomenal rise of the German birthrate in the thirties was even steeper than the rise of the marriage rate.” / 33 “National Socialist Germany, alone among countries peopled by whites, succeeded in attaining some increase in fertility,” notes the outstanding Scottish-born American historian Gordon A. Craig, with a sharp rise in the birth rate after Hitler came to power, and a steady increase in the years that followed.

In a lengthy address to the Reichstag in early 1937, Hitler recalled the pledges he had made when his government assumed power. He also explained the principles on which his policies were based, and looked back at what had been accomplished in four years. / 35 “… Those who talk about `democracies’ and ‘dictatorships’,” he said, “simply do not understand that a revolution has been carried out in this country, the results of which can be considered democratic in the highest sense of the term, if democracy has any real meaning … The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class that will have no rights in the future. Its aim has been to give equal rights to those who had no rights … Our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to be active, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to secure this by organizationally involving the masses … During the past four years we have increased German production in all areas to an extraordinary degree. And this increase in production has been to the benefit of all Germans.”

In another address two years later, Hitler spoke briefly about his regime’s economic achievement: / 36 “I overcame chaos in Germany, restored order, enormously raised production in all fields of our national economy, by strenuous efforts produced substitutes for numerous materials that we lack, encouraged new inventions, developed traffic, caused mighty roads to be built and canals to be dug, called into being gigantic factories, and at the same time endeavored to further the education and culture of our people for the development of our social community. I succeeded in finding useful work once more for the whole of the seven million unemployed, who so touched all our hearts, in keeping the German farmer on his soil in spite of all difficulties, and in saving the land itself for him, in restoring a prosperous German trade, and in promoting traffic to the utmost.”

It’s often been claimed, even by some supposedly reputable scholars, that Hitler’s success in reviving his nation’s economic life was based largely on government spending for rearmament and preparation for war. This is a myth. As the renowned British historian A. J. P. Taylor noted: / 37 “Germany’s economic recovery, which was complete by 1936, did not rest on rearmamnent; it was caused mainly by lavish expenditure on public works, particularly on motor roads, and this public spending stimulated private spending also, as [British economist John Maynard] Keynes had said it would. Hitler actually skimped on armaments, despite his boasting, partly because he wished to avoid the unpopularitiy which a reduction of the German standard of living would cause, but more from the confident belief that he would always succeed in bluff. Thus, paradoxidcally, while nearly eveeryone else in Europe expected a great war, Hitler was the one man who neither expected nor planned for it.”

American historian John Garraty compared the American and German responses to the Great Depression in a much-discussed article published in the American Historical Review. He wrote: / 38 “The two movements [that is, in the US and in Germany] nevertheless reacted to the Great Depression in similar ways, distinct from those of other industrial nations. Of the two the Nazis were the more successful in curing the economic ills of the 1930s. They reduced unemployment and stimulated industrial production faster than the Americans did and, considering their resources, handled their monetary and trade problems more successfully, certainly more imaginatively. This was partly because the Nazis employed deficit financing on a larger scale and partly because their totalitarian system better lent itself to the mobilization of society, both by force and by persuasion. By 1936 the depression was substantially over in Germany, far from finished in the United States.”

In fact, the jobless rate in the United States remained high until the stimulation of large-scale war production took hold. Even as late as March 1940, the US unemployment rate was still almost 15 percent of the work force. It was production for war, not Roosevelt’s “New Deal’ programs, that finally brought full employment.

Prof. William Leuchtenburg, a prominent American historian known best for his books on the life and career of Franklin Roosevelt, summed up the President’s mixed record in a highly acclaimed study. “The New Deal left many problems unsolved and even created some perplexing new ones,” concluded Leuchtenburg. “It never demonstrated that it could achieve prosperity in peacetime. As late as 1941, the unemployed still numbered six million, and not until the war year of 1943 did the army of jobless finally disappear.”

The contrast between the German and American economic records during the 1930s is all the more striking when one takes into account that the US had vastly greater natural resource wealth, including large petroleum reserves, as well as a lower population density, and no hostile, well-armed neighbors.

In an address given in December 1941, Hitler himself compared the record of his government and that of President Roosevelt in dealing with the challenge of the world economic crisis.

“Whereas the German Reich experienced an enormous improvement in social, economic, cultural and artistic life in just a few years under National Socialist leadership,” he said, “President Roosevelt was not able to bring about even limited improvements in his own country. This task should have been much easier in the United States, with barely 15 people per square kilometer, as compared to 140 in Germany. If economic prosperity is not possible in that country, it must be the result of either a lack of will by the ruling leadership or the complete incompetence of the men in charge. In just five years, the economic problems were solved in Germany and unemployment was eliminated. During this same period, President Roosevelt enormously increased his country's national debt, devalued the dollar, further disrupted the economy, and maintained the same number of unemployed.”

In another major address given that same year, Hitler compared the social-political-economic systems of the United States, the Soviet Union, and Germany. / 42 “We’ve now gotten to know two [social-political] extremes,” he said. “One is that of the Capitalist states, which use lies, fraud and swindling to deny their peoples the most basic vital rights, and which are concerned entirely with their own financial interests, for which they are ready to sacrifice millions of people. On the other hand we’ve seen [in the Soviet Union] the Communist extreme: a state that’s brought unspeakable misery to millions and millions, and which, following its doctrine, sacrifices the happiness of others. From this [awareness], in my view, there is for all of us only one obligation, namely, to strive more than ever toward our national and socialist ideal … In this [German] state the prevailing principle is not, as in Soviet Russia, the principle of so-called equality, but rather only the principle of justice.”

Could Hitler’s economic policies work in the United States? These policies are probably most workable in countries such as Sweden, Denmark, and the Netherlands, with a well-educated, self-disciplined and ethnically-culturally cohesive population, and a traditionally strong “communitarian” ethos with a correspondingly high level of social trust. Hitler’s economic policies are less applicable in the United States and other societies with an ethnically-culturally diverse population, a markedly individualistic, “laissez-faire” tradition, and a correspondingly weaker “communitarian” spirit.

David Lloyd George — who had been Britain’s prime minister during the First World War -- made an extensive tour of Germany in late 1936. In an article published afterwards in a leading London newspaper, the British statesman recounted what he had seen and experienced.

“Whatever one may think of his [Hitler’s] methods,” wrote Lloyd George, “and they are certainly not those of a parliamentary country, there can be no doubt that he has achieved a marvelous transformation in the spirit of the people, in their attitude towards each other, and in their social and economic outlook.

“He rightly claimed at Nuremberg that in four years his movement had made a new Germany. It is not the Germany of the first decade that followed the war — broken, dejected and bowed down with a sense of apprehension and impotence. It is now full of hope and confidence, and of a renewed sense of determination to lead its own life without interference from any influence outside its own frontiers.

“There is for the first time since the war a general sense of security. The people are more cheerful. There is a greater sense of general gaiety of spirit throughout the land. It is a happier Germany. I saw it everywhere, and Englishmen I met during my trip and who knew Germany well were very impressed with the change.”

“This great people,” the seasoned statesman went on to warn, “will work better, sacrifice more, and, if necessary, fight with greater resolution because Hitler asks them to do so. Those who do not comprehend this central fact cannot judge the present possibilities of modern Germany.”

Although prejudice and ignorance have hindered a wider awareness and understanding of Hitler’s economic policies and their impact, his success in economic policy has been acknowledged by historians, including scholars who are generally very critical of the German leader and his regime’s policies.

John Lukacs, a Hungarian-born American historian whose books have generated much comment and praise, has written: “Hitler’s achievements, domestic rather than foreign, during the six [peacetime] years of his leadership of Germany were extraordinary … He brought prosperity and confidence to the Germans, the kind of prosperity that is the result of confidence. The thirties, after 1933, were sunny years for most Germans; something that remained in the memories of an entire generation among them.”

Sebastian Haffner, an influential German journalist and historian who was also a fierce critic of the Third Reich and its ideology, reviewed Hitler’s life and legacy in a much-discussed book. Although his portrayal of the German leader in The Meaning of Hitler is a harsh one, the author all the same writes:

“Among these positive achievements of Hitler the one outshining all others was his economic miracle.” While the rest of the world was still mired in the economic paralysis, Hitler had made “Germany an island of prosperity.” Within three years, Haffner goes on, “crying need and mass hardship had generally turned into modest but comfortable prosperity. Almost equally important: helplessness and hopelessness had given way to confidence and self-assurance. Even more miraculous was the fact that the transition from depression to economic boom had been accomplished without inflation, at totally stable wages and prices … It is difficult to picture adequately the grateful amazement with which the Germans reacted to that miracle, which, more particularly, made vast numbers of German workers switch from the Social Democrats and the Communists to Hitler after 1933. This grateful amazement entirely dominated the mood of the German masses during the 1936 to 1938 period …”

"The scale of the Nazi economic achievement should not be underestimated," concludes Niall Ferguson, a Harvard University professor of history. "It was real and impressive. No other European economy achieved such a rapid recovery ... To most people in 1930s Germany it seemed there had been an economic miracle. The Volksgemeinschaft [national community] was more than mere rhetoric; it meant full employment, higher wages, stable prices, reduced poverty, cheap radios (the Volksempfänger) and budget holidays. It is too easily forgotten that there were more holiday camps than concentration camps in Germany between 1935 and 1939. Workers became better trained, farmers saw their incomes rise. Nor were foreigners unimpressed by what was happening. American corporations including Standard Oil, General Motors and IBM all rushed to invest directly in the German economy."

Joachim Fest, another prominent German journalist and historian, reviewed Hitler’s life in an acclaimed and comprehensive biography. “If Hitler had succumbed to an assassination or an accident at the end of 1938,” he wrote, “few would hesitate to call him one of the greatest of German statesmen, the consummator of Germany’s history.” “No objective observer of the German scene could deny Hitler’s considerable exploits,” noted American historian John Toland. “If Hitler had died in 1937 on the fourth anniversary of his coming to power … he undoubtedly would have gone down as one of the greatest figures in German history. Throughout Europe he had millions of admirers.”

Mark Weber (Institute for Historical Review)

Click on this text to see WW2 From the Germans Point of View...

 

 

CORRECTION: IT TOOK THREE JEWISH CONTROLLED EMPIRES

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Germany's enemies maintain today (1940) that Adolf Hitler is the greatest disturber of peace known to history, that he threatens every nation with sudden attack and oppression. 

That he has created a terrible war machine in order to cause trouble and devastation all around him. At the same time they intentionally conceal an all-important fact: they themselves drove the Leader of the German people finally to draw the sword. 

They themselves compelled him to seek to obtain at last by the use of force that which he had been striving to gain by persuasion from the beginning: the security of his country.

They did this not only by declaring war on him on September 3, 1939, but also by blocking step for step for seven years the path to any peaceful discussion.

The attempts repeatedly made by Adolf Hitler to induce the governments of other states to collaborate with him in a reconstruction of Europe resemble an ever-recurring pattern in his conduct since the commencement of his labors for the German Reich. But these attempts were wrecked every time by reason of the fact that nowhere was there any willingness to give them due consideration, because the evil spirit of the Great War still prevailed everywhere, because in London and Paris and in the capitals of the Western Powers' vassal states there was only one fixed intention: to perpetuate the power of Versailles.

A rapid glance at the most important events will furnish incontrovertible proof for this statement.

When Adolf Hitler came to the fore, Germany was as gagged and as helpless as the victors of 1918 wanted her to be. Completely disarmed, with an army of only 100,000 men intended solely for police duties within the country, she found herself within a tightly closed ring of neighbors all armed to the teeth and leagued together. To the old enemies in the West, Britain, Belgium and France, new ones were artificially created and added in the East and the South: above all Poland and Czechoslovakia. A quarter of the population of Germany were forcibly torn away from their mother country and handed over to foreign powers. The Reich, mutilated on all sides and robbed of every means of defense, at any moment could become the helpless victim of some rapacious neighbor.

Then it was that Adolf Hitler for the first time made his appeal to the common sense of the other powers. On May 17, 1933, a few months after his appointment to the office of Reichskanzler, he delivered a speech in the German Reichstag, from which we extract the following passages:

    "Germany will be perfectly ready to disband her entire military establishment and destroy the small amount of arms remaining to her, if the neighboring countries will do the same thing with equal thoroughness.

    ... Germany is entirely ready to renounce aggressive weapons of every sort if the armed nations, on their part, will destroy their aggressive weapons within a specified period, and if their use is forbidden by an international convention.

    ... Germany is at all times prepared to renounce offensive weapons if the rest of the world does the same. Germany is prepared to agree to any solemn pact of non-aggression because she does not think of attacking anybody but only of acquiring security."

No answer was received.

Without paying any heed the others continued to fill their arsenals with weapons, to pile up their stores of explosives, to increase the numbers of their troops. At the same time the League of Nations, the instrument of the victorious powers, declared that Germany must first pass through a period of "probation" before it would be possible to discuss with her the question of the disarmament of the other countries. On October 14, 1933, Hitler broke away from this League of Nations with which it was impossible to come to any agreement. Shortly afterwards, however, on December 18, 1933, he came forward with a new proposal for the improvement of international relations. This proposal included the following six points:

    "1. Germany receives full equality of rights.

    2. The fully armed States undertake amongst themselves not to increase their armaments beyond their present level.

    3. Germany adheres to this agreement, freely undertaking to make only so much actual moderate use of the equality of rights granted to her as will not represent a threat to the security of any other European power.

    4. All States recognize certain obligations in regard to conducting war on humane principles, or to the elimination of certain weapons for use against the civilian population.

    5. All States accept a uniform general control which will watch over and ensure the observance of these obligations.

    6. The European nations guarantee one another the unconditional maintenance of peace by the conclusion of non-aggression pacts, to be renewed after ten years."

Following upon this a proposal was made to increase the strength of the German army to 300,000 men, corresponding to the strength required by Germany "having regard to the length of her frontiers and the size of the armies of her neighbors", in order to protect her threatened territory against attacks. The defender of the principle of peaceable agreement was thus trying to accommodate himself to the unwillingness of the others to disarm by expressing a desire for a limited increase of armaments for his own country. An exchange of notes, starting from this and continuing for years, finally came to a sudden end with an unequivocal "no" from France. This "no" was moreover accompanied by tremendous increases in the armed forces of France, Britain and Russia.

In this way Germany's position became still worse than before. The danger to the Reich was so great that Adolf Hitler felt himself compelled to act. On March 16, 1935, he reintroduced conscription. But in direct connection with this measure he once more announced an offer of agreements of an extensive nature, the purpose of which was to ensure that any future war would be conducted on humane principles, in fact to make such a war practically impossible by eliminating destructive armaments. In his speech of May 21, 1935, he declared:

    "The German Government is ready to take an active part in all efforts which may lead to a practical limitation of armaments. It regards a return to the former idea of the Geneva Red Cross Convention as the only possible way to achieve this. It believes that at first there will be only the possibility of a gradual abolition and outlawry of weapons and methods of warfare which are essentially contrary to the Geneva Red Cross Convention which is still valid.

    Just as the use of dumdum bullets was once forbidden and, on the whole, thereby prevented in practice, so the use of other definite arms should be forbidden and prevented. Here the German Govern- [4] ment has in mind all those arms which bring death and destruction not so much to the fighting soldiers as to non-combatant women and children.

    The German Government considers as erroneous and ineffective the idea to do away with aeroplanes while leaving the question of bombing open. But it believes it possible to proscribe the use of certain arms as contrary to international law and to excommunicate those nations which still use them from the community of mankind, its rights and its laws.

    It also believes that gradual progress is the best way to success. For example, there might be prohibition of the dropping of gas, incendiary and explosive bombs outside the real battle zone. This limitation could then be extended to complete international outlawry of all bombing. But so long as bombing as such is permitted, any limitation of the number of bombing planes is questionable in view of the possibility of rapid substitution.

    Should bombing as such be branded as a barbarity contrary to international law, the construction of bombing aeroplanes will soon be abandoned as superfluous and of no purpose. If, through the Geneva Red Cross Convention, it turned out possible as a matter of fact to prevent the killing of a defenseless wounded man or prisoner, it ought to be equally possible to forbid, by an analogous convention, and finally to stop, the bombing of equally defenseless civilian populations.

    In such a fundamental way of dealing with the problem, Germany sees a greater reassurance and security for the nations than in all pacts of assistance and military conventions.

    The German Government is ready to agree to any limitation which leads to abolition of the heaviest arms, especially suited for aggression. Such are, first, the heaviest artillery, and, secondly, the heaviest tanks. In view of the enormous fortifications on the French frontier such international abolition of the heaviest weapons of attack would ipso facto give France 100 per cent security.

    Germany declares herself ready to agree to any limitation whatsoever of the calibre-strength of artillery, battleships, cruisers and torpedo boats. In like manner the German Government is ready to accept any international limitation of the size of warships. And finally it is ready to agree to limitation of tonnage for submarines, or to their complete abolition in case of international agreement.

    [5] And it gives the further assurance that it will agree to any international limitation or abolition of arms whatsoever for a uniform space of time."

This time again Hitler's declarations did not find the slightest response. On the contrary, France made an alliance with Russia in order to increase her preponderating influence on the Continent still further, and to augment to a gigantic degree the pressure on Germany from the East.

In view of the evident destructive intentions of his opponents, Adolf Hitler was therefore obliged to take new measures to ensure the safety of the German Reich. On March 3, 1936, he occupied the Rhineland, which had been without military protection since Versailles, and thus closed the wide gate through which the Western neighbor could carry out an invasion. Once again he followed the defensive step which he had been obliged to take with a liberal appeal for general reconciliation and for the settlement of all differences. On March 31, 1936, he formulated the following peace plan:

    "1. In order to give to future agreements securing the peace of Europe the character of inviolable treaties, those nations participating in the negotiations do so only on an entirely equal footing and as equally esteemed members. The sole compelling reason for signing these treaties can only lie in the generally recognized and obvious practicability of these agreements for the peace of Europe, and thus for the social happiness and economic prosperity of the nations.

    2. In order to shorten in the economic interest of the European nations the period of uncertainty, the German Government proposes a limit of four months for the first period up to the signing of the pacts of non-aggression guaranteeing the peace of Europe.

    3. The German Government gives the assurance not to add any reinforcements whatsoever to the troops in the Rhineland during this period, always provided that the Belgian and French Governments act in the same way.

    4. The German Government gives the assurance not to move during this period closer to the Belgian and French frontiers the troops at present stationed in the Rhineland.

    5. The German Government proposes the setting up of a commission composed of the two guarantor Powers, Britain and Italy, and a disinterested third neutral power, to guarantee this assurance to be given by both parties.

 6. Germany, Belgium and France are each entitled to send a representative to this Commission. If Germany, France or Belgium think that for any particular reason they can point to a change in the military situation having taken place within this period of four months, they have the right to inform the Guarantee Commission of their observations.

    7. Germany, Belgium and France declare their willingness in such a case to permit this Commission to make the necessary investigations through the British and Italian military attaches, and to report thereon to the Powers participating.

    8. Germany, Belgium and France give the assurance that they will bestow the fullest consideration to the objections arising therefrom.

    9. Moreover the German Government is willing on a basis of complete reciprocity with Germany's two western neighbors to agree to any military limitations on the German western frontier.

    10. Germany, Belgium and France and the two guarantor Powers agree to enter into negotiations under the leadership of the British Government at once or, at the latest, after the French elections, for the conclusion of a 25-years non-aggression or security pact between France and Belgium on the one hand, and Germany on the other.

    11. Germany agrees that Britain and Italy shall sign this security pact as guarantor Powers once more.

    12. Should special engagements to render military assistance arise as a result of these security agreements, Germany on her part declares her willingness to enter into such engagements.

    13. The German Government hereby repeats its proposal for the conclusion of an air-pact to supplement and consolidate these security agreements.

    14. The German Government repeats that should the Netherlands so desire it is willing to include that country too in this West-European security agreement.

    15. In order to stamp this peace-pact, voluntarily entered into between Germany and France, as the reconciliatory conclusion of a centuries-old dispute, Germany and France pledge themselves to take steps to see that in the education of the young, as well as in the press and publications of both nations, everything shall be avoided which might be calculated to poison the relationship between the two [7] peoples, whether it be a derogatory or contemptuous attitude, or improper interference in the internal affairs of the other country. They agree to set up at the headquarters of the League of Nations at Geneva, a joint commission whose function it shall be to lay all complaints received before the two Governments for information and investigation.

    16. In pursuance of their intention to give this agreement the character of a sacred pledge, Germany and France undertake to ratify it by means of a plebiscite of the two nations.

    17. Germany expresses her willingness, on her part, to establish contact with the states on her south-eastern and north-eastern frontiers, in order to invite them directly to conclude the pacts of non-aggression already proposed.

    18. Germany expresses her willingness to re-enter the League of Nations, either at once, or after the conclusion of these agreements. At the same time, the German Government again expresses as its expectation that, after a reasonable time and by the method of friendly negotiations, the question of colonial equality of rights and that of the separation of the Covenant of the League of Nations from its foundations in the Versailles Treaty will be cleared up.

    19. Germany proposes the setting up of an International Court of Arbitration, which shall be responsible for the observance of the various agreements concluded, and whose decisions shall be binding on all parties.

    After the conclusion of this great work of securing European peace, the German Government considers it urgently necessary to endeavor by practical measures to put a stop to the unlimited competition in armaments. In her opinion this would mean not merely an improvement in the financial and economic position of the nations, but above all a diminution of the psychological tension.

    The German Government, however, has no faith in the attempt to bring about universal settlements, as this would be doomed to failure from the outset, and can therefore be proposed only by those who have no interest in achieving practical results. On the other hand it is of the opinion that the negotiations held and the results achieved in limiting naval armaments should have an instructive and stimulating effect.

    The German Government therefore proposes that future conferences shall have one clearly defined objective.

 For the present, it believes the most important task is to bring aerial warfare into the moral and humane atmosphere of the protection afforded to non-combatants or the wounded by the Geneva Convention. Just as the killing of defenseless wounded, or prisoners, or the use of dumdum bullets, or the waging of submarine warfare without warning, have been either forbidden or regulated by international conventions, so it must be possible for civilized humanity to prevent the senseless abuse of any new type of weapon, without running counter to the object of warfare.

    The German Government therefore puts forward the proposal that the immediate practical tasks of this conference shall be:

    1. Prohibition of dropping gas, poison, or incendiary bombs.

    2. Prohibition of dropping bombs of any kind whatsoever on open towns and villages outside the range of the medium-heavy artillery of the fighting fronts.

    3. Prohibition of the bombarding with long-range guns of towns more than 20 km. distant from the battle zone.

    4. Abolition and prohibition of the construction of tanks of the heaviest type.

    5. Abolition and prohibition of artillery of the heaviest calibre.

    As soon as possibilities for further limitation of armaments emerge from such discussions and agreements, they should be utilized.

    The German Government hereby declares itself prepared to join in every such settlement, in so far as it is valid internationally.

    The German Government believes that if even a first step is made on the road to disarmament, this will be of enormous importance to the relationship between the nations, and to the recovery of confidence, trade and prosperity.

    In accordance with the general desire for the restoration of favorable economic conditions, the German Government is prepared immediately after the conclusion of the political treaties to enter into an exchange of opinions on economic problems with the other nations concerned, in the spirit of the proposals made, and to do all that lies in its power to improve the economic situation in Europe, and the world economic situation which is closely bound up with it.

The German Government believes that with the peace plan proposed above it has made its contribution to the reconstruction of a new Europe on the basis of reciprocal respect and confidence between sovereign states. Many opportunities for such a pacification of Europe, for which Germany has so often in the last few years made her proposals, have been neglected. May this attempt to achieve European understanding succeed at last!

    The German Government confidently believes that it has opened the way in this direction by submitting the above peace plan."

Anyone who today reads this comprehensive peace plan will realize in what direction the development of Europe, according to the wishes of Adolf Hitler, should really have proceeded. Here was the possibility of truly constructive work, this could have been a real turning-point for the welfare of all nations. But once more he who alone called for peace was not heard. Only Britain replied with a rather scornful questionnaire which avoided any serious consideration of the essential points involved. Incidentally, however, she disclosed her actual intentions by setting herself up as the protector of France and by instituting and commencing regular military staff conversations with the French Republic just as in the period before the Great War.

There could no longer be any doubt now that the Western Powers were following the old path towards an armed conflict and were steadily preparing a new blow against Germany, although Adolf Hitler's whole thoughts and endeavors were directed towards proving to them that he wanted to remain on the best possible terms with them. In the course of the years he had undertaken numerous steps in this direction, of which a few more shall be referred to here. He negotiated the Naval Agreement of June 18, 1935 with Great Britain, which provided that the German Navy should only have a strength of 35% of that of the British Navy. By this he wanted to demonstrate that the Reich, to use his own words, had "neither the intention nor the means, nor was it necessary" to enter into any rivalry as regards naval power, such as had had so fateful an influence on its relations to Great Britain in the well-remembered days before the Great War.

He assured France on every possible occasion of his desire to live at peace with her. He repeatedly renounced in plain terms any claim to Alsace-Lorraine. On the return to the Reich of the Saar territory as the result of the plebiscite, he declared on March 1, 1935:

 "It is our hope that through this act of just compensation, in which we see a return to natural reason, relations between Germany and France have permanently improved. Therefore as we desire peace, we must hope that our great neighbor is ready and willing to seek peace with us. It must be possible for two great people to join together and collaborate in opposing the difficulties which threaten to overwhelm Europe."

He even endeavored to arrive at a better understanding with Poland, the eastern ally of the Western Powers, although this country had unlawfully incorporated millions of Germans in 1919 and had subjected them to the worst oppression ever since. On January 26, 1934, he concluded a non-aggression pact with her in which the two Governments agreed "to settle directly all questions of whatever sort which concern their mutual relations."

Thus on all sides he opposed to the enemy plans his determination to preserve peace and strove to protect Germany in this way. When however he saw that London and Paris were arming for attack, he was once more obliged to undertake fresh measures of defense. The enemy camp, as we have seen above, had been enormously extended through the alliance between France and Russia. In addition to this the two powers had secured a line of communication to the south of the Reich through Czechoslovakia having concluded a treaty with Russia which put her in the position of a bridge between east and west. Czechoslovakia, however, was in control of the high-lying country of Bohemia and Moravia, which Bismarck had called the citadel of Europe, and this citadel projected far into German territory. The threat to Germany thus assumed truly overpowering proportions.

The genius of Adolf Hitler found a way of meeting this danger. The conditions in German Austria, which under the terror of the Schuschnigg Government were tending towards civil war, offered him the opportunity of stepping in to save the situation, and to lead back into the Reich the sister nation to the south-east that had been sentenced by the victorious powers to lead the life of a hopelessly decaying "Free State". After he had thus established himself near the line of communication between France and Russia mentioned above, a process of dissolution set in in the mixed State of Czechoslovakia, which had been artificially put together from the most diverse national elements, until after the liberation of the Sudetenland and the secession of Slovakia, the Czechs themselves asked for the protection of the German Reich. With this the enemy's bridge came into Adolf Hitler's possession; and at the same time direct connection was made possible with Italy, whose friendship had been secured some time previously.

While he was gaining this strategical success for the security of his country, Adolf Hitler was again endeavoring with great eagerness to reach a peaceable understanding with the Western Powers. In Munich directly after liberation of the Sudeten Germans, approved by Britain, France and Italy, he made an agreement with the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, the text of which was a follows:

    "We have had a further meeting to-day and have agreed in recognizing that the question of Anglo-German relations is of the first importance for the two countries and for Europe.

    We regard the agreement signed last night and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one another again.

    We are resolved that the method of consultation shall be the method adopted to deal with any other questions that may concern our two countries, and we are determined to continue our efforts to remove possible sources of difference and thus to contribute to assure the peace of Europe."

                September 30, 1938. Adolf Hitler, Neville Chamberlain."


Two months later, on Hitler's instructions, the German Foreign Minister, von Ribbentrop, made the following agreement with France:

    "Herr Joachim von Ribbentrop, Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs,
          and M. Georges Bonnet, French Minister of Foreign Affairs,
          acting in the name and by order of their Governments, are, at their meeting in Paris, on December 6, 1938, agreed as follows:

    1. The German Government and the French Government fully share the conviction that peaceful and good-neighborly relations between Germany and France constitute one of the most essential elements for the consolidation of the situation in Europe and the maintenance of general peace. The two Governments will in consequence use all their efforts to ensure the development of the relations between their countries in this direction.

    [12] 2. The two Governments recognize that between the two countries there is no territorial question outstanding, and they solemnly recognize as final the frontiers between their countries as they now exist.

    3. The two Governments are resolved, while leaving unaffected their particular relations with other Powers, to remain in contact with regard to all questions concerning their two countries, and mutually to consult should the later evolution of those questions lead to international difficulties.

    In token whereof the representatives of the two Governments have signed the present Declaration, which comes into immediate effect.

    Done in two original Documents in the French and German language respectively, in Paris, December 6, 1938.

                Joachim von Ribbentrop,
                Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs

                Georges Bonnet,
                Minister for Foreign Affairs"

According to all calculations one should have been able to assume that the way was clear for collaborative reconstruction in which all leading powers would participate, and that the Fuehrer's endeavors to secure peace would at last meet with success. But the contrary was true. Scarcely had Chamberlain reached home when he called for rearmament on a considerable scale and laid plans for a new and tremendous encirclement of Germany. Britain now took over from France the leadership of this further encirclement of the Reich, in order to obtain a substitute for the lost Czechoslovakia many times its value. She opened negotiations with Russia, granted Poland a guarantee and also Rumania, Greece and Turkey. These were alarm signals of the greatest urgency.

Just at this time Adolf Hitler was occupied with the task of finally eliminating sources of friction with Poland. For this purpose he had made an uncommonly generous proposal by which the purely German Free City of Danzig would return to the Reich, and a narrow passage through the Polish Corridor, which since 1919 had torn asunder the north-eastern part of Germany to an unbearable extent, would provide communication with the separated area. This proposal, which moreover afforded Poland the prospect of a 25-year non-aggression pact and other advantages, was nevertheless rejected in Warsaw, because there it was believed, conscious as the authorities were of forming one of the principal members of the common [13] front set up by London against Germany, that any concession, however minor, could be refused. This was not all! With the same consciousness Poland then started to be aggressive, threatened Danzig, and prepared to take up arms against Germany.

Thus the moment was close at hand for the attack on the Reich by the countries which had been brought together for the purpose. Adolf Hitler, making a final extreme effort in the interests of peace, saved what he could. On August 23rd, Ribbentrop succeeded in reaching an agreement in Moscow for a non-aggression pact with Russia. Two days later the German Fuehrer himself made a final and truly remarkable offer to Britain, declaring himself ready "to enter into agreements with Great Britain", "which... would not only, on the German side, in any case safeguard the existence of the British Empire, but if necessary would guarantee German assistance for the British Empire, irrespective of where such assistance might be required". At the same time he was prepared "to accept a reasonable limitation of armaments, in accordance with the new political situation and economic requirements". And finally he assured once again that he had no interest in the issues in the west and that "a correction of the borders in the west are out of any consideration."

The reply to this was a pact of assistance signed the same day between Britain and Poland, which rendered the outbreak of war inevitable. Then a decision was made in Warsaw to mobilize at once against Germany, and the Poles began with violent attacks not only on the Germans in Poland, who for some time had been the victims of frightful massacres, but on Germans in German territory.

But even when Britain and France had already declared the war they desired, and Germany had overcome the Polish danger in the east by a glorious campaign without a parallel, even then Adolf Hitler raised his voice once more in the name of peace. He did so although his hands were now free to act against the enemy in the west. He did so, although the fight against him personally was proclaimed in London and Paris, in immeasurable hate, as a crusade. At this moment he possessed the supreme self-control to proclaim in his speech of October 6, 1939, a new plan for the pacification of Europe to public opinion throughout the world. This plan was as follows:

    "By far the most important task, in my opinion, is the creation of not only a belief in, but also a sense of, European security.

 1. For this it is necessary that the aims of the foreign policy of each European State should be made perfectly clear. As far as Germany is concerned, the Reich Government is ready to give a thorough and exhaustive exposition of the aims of its foreign policy. In so doing, it begins by stating that the Treaty of Versailles is now regarded by it as obsolete, in other words, that the Government of the German Reich and with it the whole German people no longer see cause or reason for any further revision of the Treaty, apart from the demand for adequate colonial possessions justly due to the Reich, involving in the first place a return of the German colonies. This demand for colonies is based not only on Germany's historical claim to her colonies, but above all on her elementary right to a share of the world's resources of raw materials. This demand does not take the form of an ultimatum, nor is it a demand which is backed by force, but a demand based on political justice and sane economic principles.

    2. The demand for a real revival of international economic life coupled with an extension of trade and commerce presupposes a reorganization of the international economic system, in other words, of production in the individual states. In order to facilitate the exchange of the goods thus produced, however, a new system of markets must be found and a final settlement of currencies arrived at, so that the obstacles in the way of unrestricted trade can be gradually removed.

    3. The most important condition, however, for a real revival of economic life in and outside of Europe is the establishment of an unconditionally guaranteed peace and of a sense of security on the part of the individual nations. This security will not only be rendered possible by the final sanctioning of the European status, but above all by the reduction of armaments to a reasonable and economically tolerable level. An essential part of this necessary sense of security, however, is a clear definition of the legitimate use and application of certain modern armaments which can at any given moment strike straight at the heart of every nation and hence create a permanent sense of insecurity. In my previous speeches in the Reichstag I made proposals with this end in view. At that time they were rejected - presumably for the simple reason that they were made by me.

    I believe, however, that a sense of national security will not return to Europe until clear and binding international agreements  have provided a comprehensive definition of the extent to which the use of certain weapons is permitted or forbidden.

    The Geneva Convention once succeeded in prohibiting, in civilized countries at least, the killing of wounded, the ill-treatment of prisoners, war against non-combatants, etc., and just as it was possible gradually to achieve the universal observance of this statute, a way ought surely to be found to regulate aerial warfare, the use of poison gas, of submarines etc., and also so to define contraband that war will lose its terrible character of a conflict waged against women and children and against non-combatants in general. The growing horror of certain methods of modern warfare will of its own accord lead to their abolition, and thus they will become obsolete.

    In the war with Poland, I endeavored to restrict aerial warfare to objectives of military importance, or only to employ it to combat resistance at a given point. But it must surely be possible to emulate the Red Cross in drawing up some universally valid international regulation. It is only when this is achieved that peace can reign, particularly on our densely populated continent a peace which, un-contaminated by suspicion and fear, will provide the only possible condition for real economic prosperity. I do not believe that there is any responsible statesman in Europe who does not in his heart desire prosperity for his people. But such a desire can only be realized if all the nations inhabiting this continent decide to work together. To assist in ensuring this co-operation must be the aim of every man who is sincerely struggling for the future of his own people.

    To achieve this great end, the leading nations on this continent will one day have to come together in order to draw up, accept and guarantee a statute on a comprehensive basis which will ensure for them a sense of security, of calm, - in short, of peace.

    Such a conference could not possibly be held without the most thorough preparation, i. e. without exact elucidation of every point at issue. It is equally impossible that such a conference, which would determine the fate of this continent for many years to come, could carry on its deliberations while cannons are thundering, or mobilized armies bringing pressure to bear upon it. Since, however, these problems must be solved sooner or later, it would surely be more sensible to tackle the solution before millions of men are first uselessly sent to their death, and billions of dollars' worth of property destroyed.

    The continuation of the present state of affairs in the west is unthinkable. Each day will soon demand increasing sacrifices. Perhaps the day will come when France will begin to bombard and demolish Saarbrücken. The German artillery will in turn lay Mühlhausen in ruins. France will retaliate by bombarding Karlsruhe, and [16] Germany in her turn shell Strassburg. Then the French artillery will fire at Freiburg, and the Germans at Kolmar or Schlettstadt. Long-range artillery will then be set up, and from both sides destruction will strike deeper and deeper, and whatever cannot be reached by the long-range artillery will be destroyed from the air. And that will be very interesting for certain international journalists, and very profitable for the aeroplane, arms, and munition manufacturers, etc., but appalling for the victims. And this battle of destruction will not be confined to the land. No, it will reach far out over the sea. To-day there are no longer any islands.

    And the national wealth of Europe will be scattered in the form of shells, and the vigor of every nation will be sapped on the battlefields. One day, however, there will again be a frontier between Germany and France, but instead of flourishing towns there will be ruins and endless graveyards."

The fate of this plan was the same as that of all the previous appeals made by Adolf Hitler in the name of reason, in the interests of a true renascence of Europe. His enemies paid him no heed. On this occasion also no response was forthcoming from them. They rigidly adhered to the attitude which they had taken up in the beginning.

In the face of this series of historical facts is there any need for further details as to the question of why they did so? They had created Versailles, and when Versailles threatened to collapse they wanted the war, in order to follow it with an even worse Versailles. The reproaches which they make today to Adolf Hitler and Germany, recoil one and all on those who make them, and characterize their actions. They are the disturbers of peace, they are the ones who meditate the forcible oppression of other peoples and seek to plunge Europe in devastation and disaster. If if were not so, they would long ago have taken the hand that was stretched out to them or at least have made a gesture of honestly wishing to cooperate in a new order, and thus spare the nations "blood, tears and sweat" in excess.

World history is the world court; and in this case as always when it reaches its decision it will pronounce a just verdict.

Dr. Friedrich Stieve

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Click on this text to see what Hitler attempted to dismantle...The Murderously Evil Jewish Oligarchy

Click on this text to see the NSDAP Transfer Agreement or HAAVARA designed to empty Jews out of Germany and transfer them to Palestine...

SEE Rabbi Waton's book: A Program FOR THE JEWS An Answer TO ALL ANTI-SEMITES A PROGRAM FOR HUMANITY BY HARRY WATON

Click on this text to Learn the Truth about WW2 - Living in Hitler's Germany.....

 

Stop using the word "NAZI".... using the word is a reflection of your having been thoroughly brain-washed and conditioned by the sinister Jews who have absolutely subjugated, and continue to ruin, many countries.

 

There was never any such organisation as Nazi’s or a Nazi Party

 

The National Socialists (N.S.D.A.P. - Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) never referred to themselves as Nazi’s.
It was, as it still is today, a political slogan used as a repressive weapon for the purposes of stifling dissent – hypocritically, the very social condition the National Socialists’ enemies have accused purported “evil Nazi’s” of having inflicted upon the German populace of the 1930’s.

The term “Nazi” is nothing more than an epithet and after 90 years, it is high time we learned where it came from, who invented it and why.

 

The term “Nazi” was actually created by the Communist-Marxist enemies of the National Socialists (the NSDAP). It was/is a pejorative connotation; a belittling insult and a slur. The Germans, not Hitler, nor any other high ranking party officials ever referred to themselves as “Nazis”! They called themselves ‘National Socialists’ and nothing more.

Those who can read German and have studied any of the original documents and speeches, should know this already, but most do not. Yet the world and countless generations continue to echo this epithet as if it was as certain as the sun rising. This should give some insight into the mind manipulating power of media and propaganda. It should then, also give a clear indication of who is actually in control of the worlds media and propaganda – the Communist-Marxist enemies!

 

The term ‘Nazi’ (along with ‘Nazism’) is little more than a political epithet invented by Konrad Heiden during the 1920’s, as a means of disparaging the NSDAP and the political and financial ideals of National Socialism in general. Heiden was a member of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and conveniently, also an influential Jewish journalist for both the Frankfurter Zeitung and the Vossische Zeitung German newspapers. Heiden’s SDP was renowned for its internal conflict created by its elements of Marxist members and progressively during the 1920’s and early 1930’s, ultimately lost the majority of its seats in the Reichstag to the National Socialists. By 1933, of the 647 seats in the Reichstag, the NSDAP held 288, the SDP held only 120 and the Communist Party, a mere 81 seats.

 

The slang term Nazi is a variation of the nickname Sozi (short for Sozialisten), which, at the time, was used in reference to members of Heidens’ SDP. “Nazi” was a political pun, based upon the Austro-Bavarian slang word for “simpleton” or “country bumpkin” and derived from the fairly common name, Ignatz (German form of Ignatius), colloquially meaning, a foolish, clumsy or awkward person. It would be the equivalent of calling someone “nutsy.”

 

So, if for no other reason than it being an insult, it should be easily understood why the term was regarded as derogatory by the National Socialists and why they would never use it to describe themselves as such.

One should also see why it would be made popular by the Communist-Marxist agitating propagandists and understood how it was seized upon by various other political opponents and subversive political movements – both within Germany and abroad – including the political leaders of the western powers, who clearly had been infiltrated by the same Communist-Marxist elements as well.

 

It should immediately become apparent that, if there is no such thing as a “Nazi” – except in the propaganda which was invented and spewed by this man – then it follows logically, that there is also no such thing as a “Neo-Nazi” either. Those who would describe themselves as such are as ignorant as those who say they “hate Nazi’s” – they are equally deceived.

Further, again, if there was never any such thing as a “Nazi” (which includes the conspiratorial suggestion that there is purported magical etymology of ‘Na-Zi’) then there was never any political party merger between the National Socialists (Na-) and the Zionist Organisations (-Zi), as gatekeeping and co-intelligence operations, even disseminated by the likes of Eustace Mullins, would suggest.

 

Those who believe and are led by such clever nonsense, are also equally deceived. This clever nonsense (along with much more) is used purely to misdirect people away from ever discovering the core truth of the Third Reich’s simple, however extraordinary achievements and more importantly, WHY and HOW they were achieved, which was in complete defiance of the well coordinated network of international politics and finance… the easy and simple truth of prosperity that can be obtained by all, which the international Communist propagandists fear the people of the world would ever discover, as it would see their monumental, parasitic power, disintegrate virtually overnight.

 

It is therefore, also highly likely, that those who promote ‘Neo-Nazism’ are also just agents whose job it is to keep the spectre of ‘evil Nazis’ alive in the minds of the divided and oppressed ethnic populations (as we also continually see with countless movies and allusions from all media), in order to continually effect the demonisation of all those who would dare question the whole history about Hitler, the National Socialists and WWII… which we have all, naively, been sold.

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BACK DOOR TO WAR-The Roosevelt Foreign Policy 1933 to 1941...... https://archive.org/stream/CharlesCallanTansillBackDoorToWarRooseveltForeignPolicy19331941/Charles_Callan_Tansill_Back_door_to_war_Roosevelt_foreign_policy_1933_1941#page/n0/mode/1up

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Adolf Hitler declared war on the United States only after the leaked Rainbow Five plan convinced him that war with the United States was inevitable.

Establishment historians state that Adolf Hitler made a mistake when he declared war on the United States. For example, British historian Andrew Roberts wrote: “It seems an unimaginably stupid thing to have done in retrospect, a suicidally hubristic act less than six months after attacking the Soviet Union. America was an uninvadable land mass of gigantic productive capacity and her intervention in 1917-18 had sealed Germany’s fate in the Great War.”

Historian Martin Gilbert wrote in regard to Germany’s declaration of war on the United States:

“It was perhaps the greatest error, and certainly the single most decisive act, of the Second World War.”

In this article I will explain why Hitler was forced to declare war on the United States.

American Steps Toward War

In his State of the Union address to Congress on January 6, 1941, Roosevelt outlined his plan for lend-lease aid to the anti-Axis powers. International law has long recognized that it is an act of war for a neutral government to supply arms, munitions, and implements of war to a belligerent. But Roosevelt brushed off objections to lend-lease based on international law. Roosevelt stated:

“Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it to be.”

In this same speech, Roosevelt barred the door to suggestions of a negotiated peace:

“We are committed to the proposition that the principles of morality and considerations of our own security will not permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.”

President Roosevelt signed the Lend-Lease Act into law on March 11, 1941. This legislation marked the end of any pretense of neutrality on the part of the United States. Despite soothing assurances by Roosevelt that the United States would not get into the war, the adoption of the Lend-Lease Act was a decisive move which put America into an undeclared war in the Atlantic.

It opened up an immediate appeal for naval action to insure that munitions and supplies procured under the Lend-Lease Act would reach Great Britain.

On April 9, 1941, the United States entered into an agreement with a Danish official for the defense of Greenland. Roosevelt simultaneously illegally sent American Marines to occupy Greenland.

In June 1941, Roosevelt agreed with Churchill to relieve the British troops in Iceland, and this was done with U.S. Marines on July 7, 1941. Also in June 1941, Roosevelt ordered the closing of all the German and Italian consulates in the United States.

Another step toward war was the adoption on April 24, 1941, by the United States of a naval patrol system in the Atlantic to insure delivery of munitions and supplies to Great Britain. The American Navy under this scheme was assigned the responsibility of patrolling the Atlantic Ocean west of a median point represented by 25º longitude. American warships and planes within this area would search out German vessels and submarines and broadcast their position to the British Navy. Roosevelt tried to represent the naval patrol as a merely defensive move, but it was clearly a hostile act toward Germany designed to help the British war effort.

The first wartime meeting between Roosevelt and Churchill began on August 9, 1941, in a conference at the harbor of Argentia in Newfoundland. The principal result of this conference was the signing of the Atlantic Charter on August 14, 1941. Roosevelt repeated to Churchill during this conference his predilection for an undeclared war, saying:

“I may never declare war; I may make war. If I were to ask Congress to declare war, they might argue about it for three months.”

The Atlantic Charter was in effect a joint declaration of war aims, although Congress had not voted for American participation in the war. The Atlantic Charter, which provided for Anglo-American cooperation in policing the world after the Second World War, was a tacit but inescapable implication that the United States would soon become involved in the war. This implication is fortified by the large number of top military and naval staff personnel who were present at the conference.

Roosevelt’s Orders to Shoot-on Sight German Ships and Submarines

Roosevelt’s next move toward war was the issuing of secret orders on August 25, 1941, to the Atlantic Fleet to attack and destroy German and Italian “hostile forces.” These secret orders resulted in an incident on September 4, 1941, between an American destroyer, the Greer, and a German submarine. Roosevelt falsely claimed in a fireside chat to the American public on September 11, 1941, that the German submarine had fired first.

The reality is that the Greer had tracked the German submarine for three hours, and broadcast the submarine’s location for the benefit of any British airplanes and destroyers which might be in the vicinity. The German submarine fired at the Greer only after a British airplane had dropped four depth charges which missed their mark. During this fireside chat Roosevelt finally admitted that, without consulting Congress or obtaining congressional sanction, he had ordered a shoot-on-sight campaign against Axis submarines.

On September 13, 1941, Roosevelt ordered the Atlantic Fleet to escort convoys in which there were no American vessels. This policy would make it more likely to provoke future incidents between American and German vessels. Roosevelt also agreed about this time to furnish Britain with “our best transport ships.” These included 12 liners and 20 cargo vessels manned by American crews to transport two British divisions to the Middle East.

More serious incidents followed in the Atlantic. On October 17, 1941, an American destroyer, the Kearny, dropped depth charges on a German submarine. The German submarine retaliated and hit the Kearny with a torpedo, resulting in the loss of 11 lives. An older American destroyer, the Reuben James, was sunk with a casualty list of 115 of her crew members. Some of her seamen were convinced the Reuben James had already sunk at least one U-boat before she was torpedoed by the German submarine.

On October 27, 1941, Roosevelt broadcast over nationwide radio his Navy Day address. Roosevelt began his Navy Day address by stating that German submarines had torpedoed the U.S. destroyers Greer and Kearny. Roosevelt characterized these incidents as unprovoked acts of aggression directed against all Americans, and that “history will record who fired the first shot.”

What Roosevelt failed to mention in his broadcast is that in each case the U.S. destroyers had been involved in attack operations against the German submarines, which fired in self-defense only as a last resort. Hitler wanted to avoid war with the United States at all costs, and had expressly ordered German submarines to avoid conflicts with U.S. warships, except to avoid imminent destruction. It was Roosevelt’s shoot-on-sight orders to U.S. Navy vessels that were designed to make incidents like the ones Roosevelt condemned inevitable.

Despite Roosevelt’s provocations, the American public was still against entering the war. By the end of October 1941, Roosevelt had no more ideas how to get into a formal and declared war:

“…He had said everything ‘short of war’ that could be said. He had no more tricks left. The hat from which he had pulled so many rabbits was empty.”

Even full-page advertisements entitled “Stop Hitler Now” inserted in major American newspapers by Roosevelt’s supporters had failed to sway the American public. The advertisements warned the American people that a Europe dominated by Hitler was a threat to American democracy and the Western Hemisphere. The advertisements asked: “Will the Nazis considerately wait until we are ready to fight them? Anyone who argues that they will wait is either an imbecile or a traitor.” Roosevelt endorsed the advertisements, saying that they were “a great piece of work.”

Yet the American people were still strongly against war.

Roosevelt Provokes Pearl Harbor Attack

Provoking Japan into an overt act of war was the principal policy that guided Roosevelt’s actions toward Japan throughout 1941. Lt. Cmdr. Arthur H. McCollum, head of the Far East desk of the Office of Naval Intelligence, wrote an eight-action memorandum dated October 7, 1940, outlining how to provoke a Japanese attack on the United States.

The climax of Roosevelt’s measures designed to bring about war in the Pacific occurred on July 25, 1941, when Roosevelt froze all Japanese assets in the United States. This brought commercial relations between the nations to an effective end, including an end to the export of oil to Japan.

Prince Konoye, the Japanese premier, requested a meeting with Roosevelt to resolve the differences between the United States and Japan. American Ambassador Grew sent a series of telegrams to Washington, D.C. in which he strongly recommended that such a meeting take place. However, Roosevelt steadfastly refused to meet with the Japanese premier.

Foreign Minister Toyoda made a dispatch to Japanese Ambassador Nomura on July 31, 1941. Since U.S. Intelligence had cracked the Japanese diplomatic code, Roosevelt and his associates were able to read this message:

“Commercial and economic relations between Japan and third countries, led by England and the United States, are gradually becoming so horribly strained that we cannot endure it much longer. Consequently, our Empire, to save its very life, must take measures to secure the raw materials of the South Seas… I know that the Germans are somewhat dissatisfied with our negotiations with the United States, but we wish at any cost to prevent the United States from getting into the war, and we wish to settle the Chinese incident.”

This obvious Japanese desire for peace with the United States did not change Roosevelt’s policy toward Japan. Roosevelt refused to lift the oil embargo against Japan. The Roosevelt administration was well aware that Japan imported approximately 90% of her oil, and that 75% to 80% of her oil imports came from the United States. Roosevelt also knew that the Netherlands East Indies, which produced 3% of the world’s oil output, was the only other convenient oil producer that could meet Japan’s import needs.

On October 31, 1941, an oil agreement between Japan and the Netherlands East Indies expired. The Netherlands East Indies had promised to deliver about 11.4 million barrels of oil to Japan, but actually delivered only half of that amount. The Japanese Navy had consumed approximately 22% of its oil reserves by the time the war broke out.

By the closing months of 1941, the United States was intercepting and breaking within a matter of hours almost every code produced by Japan.[24] In the last week of November 1941, President Roosevelt knew that an attack by the Japanese in the Pacific was imminent.

Roosevelt warned William Bullitt against traveling across the Pacific:

“I am expecting the Japs to attack any time now, probably within the next three or four days.”

Roosevelt and his administration knew this based on the intercepted Japanese messages. This information was not given to the commanders at Pearl Harbor to enable them to prepare for and thwart the Japanese attack.

Adm. Husband Kimmel, commander-in-chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, states that if he had all of the important information then available to the Navy Department, he would have gone to sea with his fleet and been in a good position to intercept the Japanese attack.[26] Kimmel concludes in regard to the Pearl Harbor attacks:

When the information available in Washington was disclosed to me I was appalled. Nothing in my experience of nearly 42 years of service in the Navy had prepared me for the actions of the highest officials in our government which denied this vital information to the Pearl Harbor commanders.

If those in authority wished to engage in power politics, the least that they should have done was to advise their naval and military commanders what they were endeavoring to accomplish. To utilize the Pacific Fleet and the Army forces at Pearl Harbor as a lure for a Japanese attack without advising the commander-in-chief of the fleet and the commander of the Army base at Hawaii is something I am wholly unable to comprehend.[27]

The Rainbow Five Plan

On December 8, 1941, President Roosevelt made a speech to Congress calling for a declaration of war against Japan. Condemning the attack on Pearl Harbor as a “date which will live in infamy,” Roosevelt did not once mention Germany.

Hitler’s policy of keeping incidents between the United States and Germany to a minimum seemed to have succeeded. Hitler had ignored or downplayed the numerous provocations that Roosevelt had made against Germany. Even after Roosevelt issued orders to shoot-on-sight at German submarines, Hitler had ordered his naval commanders and air force to avoid incidents that Roosevelt might use to bring America into the war. Also, since the Tripartite Pact did not obligate Germany to join Japan in a war initiated by Japan, it appeared unlikely that Hitler would declare war on the United States.

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor surprised Hitler. Hitler had never wanted Japan to attack the United States. Germany had repeatedly urged Japan to attack Singapore and the rest of Great Britain’s Far East Empire, but Japan refused to do so. After the war Col. Gen. Alfred Jodl said that Hitler had wanted Japan to attack Great Britain and the Soviet Union in the Far East, which would have set up a two-front war. Hitler thought Roosevelt would probably not be able to persuade the American public to go to war to defend Britain’s Asian colonies. Jodl said that Hitler had wanted in Japan “a strong new ally without a strong new enemy.”

Hitler’s decision to stay out of war with the United States was made more difficult on December 4, 1941, when the Chicago Tribune carried in huge black letters the headline: F.D.R.’s WAR PLANS! The Washington Times Herald, the largest paper in the nation’s capital, carried a similar headline.

Chesly Manly, the Tribune’s Washington correspondent, revealed in his report what Roosevelt had repeatedly denied: that Roosevelt was planning to lead the United States into war against Germany. The source of Manly’s information was no less than a verbatim copy of Rainbow Five, the top-secret war plan drawn up at Roosevelt’s request by the joint board of the United States Army and Navy. Manly’s story even contained a copy of President Roosevelt’s letter ordering the preparation of the plan.

Rainbow Five called for the creation of a 10-million-man army, including an expeditionary force of 5 million men that would invade Europe in 1943 to defeat Germany. On December 5, 1941, the German Embassy in Washington, D.C., cabled the entire transcript of the newspaper story to Berlin. The story was reviewed and analyzed in Berlin as “the Roosevelt War Plan.” On December 6, 1941, Adm. Erich Raeder submitted a report to Hitler prepared by his staff that analyzed the Rainbow Five plan. Raeder concluded the most important point contained in Rainbow Five was the fact that the United States would not be ready to launch a military offensive against Germany until July 1943.

On December 9, 1941, Hitler returned to Berlin from the Russian front and plunged into two days of conferences with Raeder, Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, and Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring. The three advisors stressed that the Rainbow Five plan showed that the United States was determined to defeat Germany. They pointed out that Rainbow Five stated that the United States would undertake to carry on the war against Germany alone even if Russia collapsed and Britain surrendered to Germany. The three advisors leaned toward Adm. Raeder’s view that an air and U-boat offensive against both British and American ships might be risky, but that the United States was already unquestionably an enemy.

On December 9, 1941, Roosevelt made a radio address to the nation that is seldom mentioned in the history books. In addition to numerous uncomplimentary remarks about Hitler and Nazism, Roosevelt accused Hitler of urging Japan to attack the United States. Roosevelt declared:[33]

“We know that Germany and Japan are conducting their military and naval operations with a joint plan. Germany and Italy consider themselves at war with the United States without even bothering about a formal declaration…Your government knows Germany has been telling Japan that if Japan would attack the United States, Japan would share the spoils when peace came. She was promised by Germany that if she came in she would receive control of the whole Pacific area and that means not only the Far East, but all the islands of the Pacific and also a stranglehold on the west coast of North and Central and South America.”

All of the above statements are obviously lies. Germany and Japan did not have a joint naval plan before Pearl Harbor, and never concocted one for the rest of the war. Germany did not have foreknowledge and certainly never encouraged Japan to attack the United States. Japan never had any ambition to attack the west coast of North, Central, or South America. Germany also never promised anything to Japan in the Far East. Germany’s power in the Far East was negligible.[34]

Roosevelt concluded in his speech on December 9, 1941:[35]

“We expect to eliminate the danger from Japan, but it would serve us ill if we accomplished that and found that the rest of the world was dominated by Hitler and Mussolini. So we are going to win the war and we are going to win the peace that follows.”

On December 10, 1941, when Hitler resumed his conference with Raeder, Keitel, and Göring, Hitler said that Roosevelt’s speech confirmed everything in the Tribune story. Hitler considered Roosevelt’s speech to be a de facto declaration of war. Since war with the United States was inevitable, Hitler felt he had no choice but to declare war on the United States. Hitler declared war on the United States in his Reichstag speech on December 11, 1941, stating among other things:

Since the beginning of the war, the American President Roosevelt has steadily committed ever more serious crimes against international law. Along with illegal attacks against ships and other property of German and Italian citizens, there have been threats and even arbitrary deprivations of personal freedom by internment and such. The increasingly hostile attacks by the American President Roosevelt have reached the point that he has ordered the American navy to immediately attack, fire upon and sink all German and Italian ships, in complete violation of international law. American officials have even boasted about destroying German submarines in this criminal manner. American cruisers have attacked and captured German and Italian merchant ships, and their peaceful crews were taken away to imprisonment. In addition, President Roosevelt’s plan to attack Germany and Italy with military forces in Europe by 1943 at the latest was made public in the United States, and the American government made no effort to deny it.

Despite the years of intolerable provocations by President Roosevelt, Germany and Italy sincerely and very patiently tried to prevent the expansion of this war and to maintain relations with the United States. But as a result of his campaign, these efforts have failed.[36]

Hitler ended this speech with a declaration of war against the United States. Roosevelt had finally gotten a declared war with Germany using Japan as a back door to war.

Closing Thoughts on Hitler’s Declaration of War Against the United States

No nation has ever been led into war with as many soothing promises of peace as the American public received from President Roosevelt. Most of the American public felt that the United States had entered the First World War under false pretenses. Polls consistently showed that the American public did not favor entry into a second war in Europe. Roosevelt assuaged these fears with statements such as “…I have passed unnumbered hours, I shall pass unnumbered hours, thinking and planning how war may be kept from this nation.”[37]

The truth is that Roosevelt did everything in his power to plunge the United States into war against Germany. Roosevelt eventually went so far as to order American vessels to shoot-on- sight German and Italian vessels—a flagrant act of war. However, Hitler wanted to avoid war with the United States at all costs. Hitler expressly ordered German submarines to avoid conflicts with U.S. warships, except to prevent imminent destruction. It appeared that Hitler’s efforts would be successful in keeping the United States out of the war against Germany.

Hitler declared war on the United States only after the leaked Rainbow Five plan convinced him that war with the United States was inevitable. The extraordinary cunning of leaking Rainbow Five at the very time he knew a Japanese attack was pending enabled Roosevelt to overcome the American public’s resistance to entering the war. It allowed the entry of the United States into World War Two in such a way as to make it appear that Germany and Japan were the aggressor nations.

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Benton Bradberry - The Myth of German Villainy ... https://youtu.be/LkMrCHaSi0M

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Full documentary The Faking of Adolf Hitler for History https://youtu.be/Dn_cKvrGuLM

FREE BOOK READ: Germany Must Perish! by Theodore N. Kaufman Newark, N.J., Argyle press Copyright 1941... http://web.archive.org/web/20150906065803/http://hailtosatansvictory666.angelfire.com/Germany_Must_Perish_1941.pdf

 

Judea Declares War on Germany - Dr Fredrick Toben ... https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xe6npWo7Wug

JUDEA DECLARES WAR ON GERMANY 

           "Judea Declares War on Germany!" - Daily Express headline, March 24, 1933. 

          "Judea Declares War on Germany! Jews of all the World Unite! Boycott of German Goods!  Mass Demonstrations!"

 - These were all headlines in the Daily Express on March 24, 1933.

   "The Israeli people around the world declare economic and financial war against Germany.  

Fourteen million Jews stand together as one man, to declare war against Germany. 

The
         Jewish  wholesaler will forsake his firm, the banker his stock exchange, the merchant his commerce and 

 the pauper his pitiful shed in order to join together in a holy war against Hitler's people."
         

- Daily  Express, March 24, 1933. 

  "Each of you, Jew and Gentile alike,
         who has not already enlisted in this sacred war should do so  now and here. 

It
         is not sufficient that you should buy no goods made in Germany. 

You must
          refuse to deal with any merchant or shopkeeper who sells any 

German-made
         goods or who  patronises German ships or shipping.... 

we will undermine the
         Hitler regime and bring the  

German people to their senses by destroying
         their export trade on which their very existence  depends." 

- Samuel
         Undermeyer, in a Radio Broadcast on WABC, New York, August 6, 1933.  

         (Reported in the New York Times, August 7, 1933.   Joining with Samuel Untermeyer in calling for a war against Germany,

 Bernard Baruch, at the  same time, was promoting preparations for war against Germany)

. 

"I
         emphasised that the defeat  of Germany and Japan and their elimination from world trade would give Britain a tremendous 

 opportunity to swell her foreign commerce in both volume and profit."

 - Baruch, The Public  Years, by Bernard M. Baruch, p. 347 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
         1960).  

  Samuel Untermeyer was a Jewish leader and close friend
         of presidents Wilson and Roosevelt.  

Bernard Baruch was a presidential adviser
         to Wilson, Roosevelt and Truman.  

 "This declaration called the war against Germany, which was now determined on, a 'holy war'.
           

This war was to be carried out against Germany to its conclusion,
         to her destruction" 

(Diese  Erklarung nannte den Krieg gegen Deutschland,
         der nun beschlossen sei, einen heiligen Krieg.    

 Dieser Krieg miisse gegen
         Deutschland bis zu dessen Ende, bis zu dessen Vernichtung, gefiihrt  werden).

         - Dr. Franz J. Scheidl, Geschichte der Verfemung Deutschlands. 

  "War in Europe in 1934 was inevitable."
         - H. Morgenthau, Secretary of the U.S. Treasury, Hearst  Press, September, 1933

         (also quoted in "The Palestine Plot" by B. Jenson, p. 1 1 (printed by John  McKinley, 11-15 King Street, Perth,
         Scotland).  

 "For months now the struggle against Germany is waged by each Jewish community, 

at each  conference, in all our syndicates, and by each Jew all over the world. 

There is reason to believe  that our part in this struggle has general value.

 We will trigger a spiritual and material war of all  the world against Germany's ambitions to become
         once again a great nation, 

to recover lost  territories and colonies. 

But our Jewish interests demand the complete destruction of Germany. 

 Collectively and individually, the German nation is a threat to us Jews."

 - Vladimir Jabotinsky  (founder of the Jewish terrorist group, Irgun Zvai Leumi) in Mascha Rjetsch, January,
         1934 

(also  quoted in "Histoire de l'Armee Allemande" by Jacques
         Benoist-Mechin, Vol. IV, p. 303).

  "Hitler will have no war (does not want war), but we will force it on him, not this year,
         but  soon." 

- Emil Ludwig Cohn in Les Annales, June, 1934 (also quoted
         in his book "The New Holy  Alliance").  

 "We Jews are going to bring a war on Germany."
         - David A. Brown, National Chairman, United  Jewish Campaign, 1934 

(quoted
         in "I Testify Against The Jews" by Robert Edward Edmondson,  

page
         188 and "The Jewish War of Survival" by Arnold Leese, page 52).  

 "We want to bring about a deep hatred
         for the Germans, for German soldiers, sailors, and  airmen. 

We must hate
         until we win." 

- Lord Beaverbrook, quoted in Niemals! by Heinrich  Goitsch.
         

  "There is only one power which really counts. The power of political pressure. 

We Jews are the  most powerful people on earth, because we have this power, and we know how to apply
         it."

 -  Vladimir Jabotinsky, Jewish Daily Bulletin, July 27, 1935. 

          "Before the end of the year, an economic bloc of England, Russia, France and the U.S. A 

will be  formed to bring the German and Italian economic systems to their knees." 

- Paul Dreyfus, "La  Vie de Tanger" May 15, 1938. 

  On the 3rd of June, 1938, the American Hebrew
         boasted that they had Jews in the foremost  positions of influence in Britain, 

Russia
         and France, and that these "three sons of Israel will be  sending the Nazi dictator to hell."

 - Joseph Trimble, the American Hebrew. 

  "Germany is our public enemy number
         one. It is our object to declare war without mercy against  her. 

One may
         be sure of this: We will lead that war!" 

- Bernard Lecache, the president
         of the  "International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism,"

         in its newspaper "Droit de Vivre"  (Right to Life), 9 November, 1938.  

 "The war now proposed is for the purpose
         of establishing Jewish hegemony throughout the  world." 

- Brigadier
         General George Van Horn Mosely, The New York Tribune, March 29, 1939. 

  "I wish to confirm in the most explicit
         manner, the declaration which I and my colleagues made

  during the last months,
         and especially in the last week: 

that the Jews "stand by Great Britain
         and  will fight on the side of the democracies." 

Our urgent desire is
         to give effect to these  declarations. 

We wish to do so in a way entirely
         consonant with the general scheme of British  action, 

and therefore would
         place ourselves, in matters big and small, under the co-ordinating  direction of His Majesty's Government.

 The Jewish Agency is ready to enter into immediate  arrangements for utilizing Jewish manpower,
         technical ability, resources, etc." 

- Chaim  Weizmann, President of
         the World Jewish Congress, Head of the Jewish Agency and later  President of Israel, 

the
         London Times, September 5, 1939, and the London Jewish Chronicle,  September 8, 1939. 

  "The millions of Jews who live in America,
         England and France, North and South Africa, and,  

not to forget those in
         Palestine, are determined to bring the war of annihilation against Germany  to its final end." 

- Central Blad Voor Israeliten in Nederland, September 13, 1939.

   "Stop talking about peace conditions!
         Break Germany in pieces!" - The Daily Herald, No.7426, 9  December, 1939.

   "The Jews, taken collectively, view
         this war as a holy war." - The Daily Herald, No. 7450, 1939,  

quoted
         in "Reichstagsbrand, Aufklarung einer historischen Legende," 

by
         U. Backes, K.H.  JanBen, E. Jesse, H. Kohler, H. Mommsen, E Tobias.

   "Even if we Jews are not physically
         at your side in the trenches, we are morally with you. 

This  war is our war
         and you fight it with us." 

- Schalom Asch, Les Nouvelles Litterairres,
         February  10, 1940.

   "In losing Germany, Jewry lost a territory from which it exerted power. 

Therefore it was  determined to re-conquer it." 

-
         Louis Marschalko, "The World Conquerors : The Real War  Criminals." 

  "The World Jewish Congress has been
         at war with Germany for seven years." 

- Rabbi M.  Perlzweig (head of
         the British Section of the World Jewish Congress), 

Toronto Evening  Telegram,
         February 26, 1940.